Second Temple Messianic Expectations

Dated manuscripts show that Jews before Jesus expected a conquering son of David, often beside a priestly messiah and a prophet like Moses, and sometimes a heavenly judge. No pre-Christian text has a messiah who suffers, dies and atones; every claimed example fails on its reading or its date.

By AI (Claude Opus 5.5, thinking level unavailable) Draft:  October 2026

"There is no evidence that anyone in first-century Judaism expected such a figure, either in fulfillment of Isaiah 53 or on any other basis." — John J. Collins, Yale, on a suffering messiah, 19951

"These types of expectations could also have existed at the margins, next to many others." — Martin Hengel, Tübingen, on the same question, 20042

Summary

Between about 200 BC and AD 135, Jews read their scriptures as promising a coming "anointed one," in Hebrew mashiach.  What they expected him to be is no longer a matter of guesswork.  The Dead Sea Scrolls supply copies made before Jesus was born, some of them dated by radiocarbon as well as by handwriting.  This article goes through the evidence text by text and asks two questions of each.  Was it written before Christianity, which is Test 1 in How to Test a Fulfilled Prophecy?  And does it read a particular scripture as a prediction of the messiah, which is Test 3?

  1. The royal son of David was the common hope. He would drive the gentiles out of Jerusalem, kill the wicked ruler, judge the nations and reign in holiness. The Psalms of Solomon say so around 50 BC, and so do Scroll copies made before Jesus, among them the Isaiah commentary 4Q161, radiocarbon dated to 55 BC to AD 30.3 John Collins, the leading specialist, calls the expectation of a Davidic messiah "surely part of" the common Judaism of 100 BC to AD 100.1
  2. Some groups expected more than one figure. The Community Rule waits for "the prophet and the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel," a priest and a king.4 Other texts look for a prophet like Moses, an Elijah who restores the tribes, or a heavenly judge who sits on God's throne. Collins counts "four basic messianic paradigms (king, priest, prophet, and heavenly messiah)," and says they "were not equally widespread."1
  3. Pre-Christian Jews read particular scriptures as messianic, and the list is long. Balaam's star and scepter in Numbers 24:17, the shoot of Jesse in Isaiah 11, the promise to David in 2 Samuel 7, Amos 9:11, Psalm 2, Deuteronomy 18's prophet, Isaiah 61's anointed herald, and, in Greek, Numbers 24:7's "man" who will rule many nations. Each has a datable reading older than Jesus. Isaiah 53, Psalm 22 and Zechariah 12:10 do not.
  4. No pre-Christian text has a messiah who suffers, dies and atones. Five texts are offered as exceptions. The "pierced messiah" of 4Q285 is the one doing the killing. The priest of 4Q541 suffers slander, not death. The speaker of the "self-glorification hymn" never calls himself anointed. The Gabriel stone's "in three days, live" has been withdrawn by the scholar who proposed it. And 4 Ezra's dying messiah was written about AD 100. The best defender of the opposite view, Martin Hengel, concedes that such an expectation "cannot therefore be proven to exist with absolute certainty."2
  5. Josephus never calls any claimant "messiah." He uses the Greek word christos of one man only, Jesus.5 The rebels of 4 BC put on diadems, the sign prophets promised Exodus-style wonders, and the leaders of AD 66–70 dressed as kings. Apart from Jesus, the only claimant explicitly called messiah in any source is Bar Kokhba, and that title comes from the Jerusalem Talmud, compiled about three centuries after him.6 His own letters call him "President over Israel."7 The claimants are compared in Was Jesus One of Many Would-Be Messiahs?
  6. Later rabbinic texts add a dying "Messiah son of Joseph," but cannot be dated before Christianity. The Talmud's passage on him most likely reflects the death of Bar Kokhba in AD 135.8

Verdict.  The evidence sorts the popular claims cleanly.  "Jews expected a messiah, and the scriptures they used for him predate Jesus" is true and well documented.  "Jews before Jesus expected the messiah to suffer and die for sins" is not supported by any dated text.  The belief that the messiah had to die appears first among the followers of a man who had just been crucified.  That cuts against the apologist who says Jesus fulfilled an expectation everyone shared.  It cuts equally against the skeptic who says the first Christians borrowed a suffering-messiah myth that was already lying to hand.  There was no such myth to borrow.

Part 1: How the texts are dated

A text can show a pre-Christian expectation only if it was written before Christianity.  That is Test 1 of the method article, and for this subject it is the whole battle, because Jews and Christians argued over the same verses for centuries afterwards.  A reading found only in a medieval manuscript might have been shaped by that argument.

Three kinds of evidence date the texts discussed here.

  1. Handwriting. Hebrew and Aramaic letter shapes changed over the last centuries BC, and palaeographers sort the Scrolls into older "Hasmonaean" and younger "Herodian" hands. A palaeographic date dates the copy, so the composition is at least that old. The 2025 radiocarbon study found that the traditional dates run young, not old: Hasmonaean-type manuscripts "allow for older dates in the first half of the second century BCE, and sometimes slightly earlier, instead of only circa 150–50 BCE," and the Herodian script "emerged earlier than previously thought."3 So the error in a handwriting date, if there is one, runs in the direction that makes a text older than Christianity.
  2. Radiocarbon. Laboratories in Tucson and Groningen have dated parchment from several of the messianic scrolls. The results come as ranges with a stated probability.
  3. Internal history. A text that mentions Pompey's death on an Egyptian beach was written after 48 BC. This is the only kind of date available for works that survive in late copies.

The methods can disagree, and the disagreements are informative.  The "Messianic Apocalypse" 4Q521 was dated by its editor, Émile Puech, to 100–80 BC from its handwriting.9  A Tucson radiocarbon test published in 1995 gave 35 BC to AD 59 at one standard deviation and 93 BC to AD 80 at two.9  If the later end were right, the copy could postdate Jesus.  In 2025 a Groningen team re-tested the scroll after finding an acrylic consolidant in the parchment and cleaning the sample.  They got 230–100 BC and wrote that "the palaeographic estimate of 100–80 BCE and our 2σ calibrated range of 230–100 BCE connect in the year 100 BCE."3  Modern carbon added by a conservator makes a sample test younger, not older, so the earlier date is the safer one.  For this article the point is simpler:  on either test the copy existed before Jesus began to preach.

Three bodies of evidence have no early manuscripts at all, and each is treated with that weakness in view.

  • The Psalms of Solomon survive in eleven Greek manuscripts, the best and earliest of which, manuscript 253, dates from the eleventh or twelfth century AD.10 Their date of writing, around 50 BC, rests on allusions to Pompey.
  • The Similitudes of Enoch, chapters 37–71 of 1 Enoch, are the only part of that book missing from the Dead Sea Scrolls.11 Their date is disputed.
  • The Targums, the Aramaic paraphrases of scripture read in synagogues, are "a written record dating in general from the Amoraic period," that is, from the third century AD onward, in Joseph Fitzmyer's description.6 A Targum can show that a messianic reading lasted. It cannot show that the reading was older than Christianity.

The second question, Test 3 of the method article, is whether a given scripture was read as a prediction of the messiah before the events Christians later matched to it.  A pre-Christian Jewish commentary that applies a verse to a coming king passes that test.  A later rabbinic or Christian reading does not, however ancient it sounds.

Part 2: The royal son of David

The royal messiah is the figure on whom the sources agree.  He is a descendant of David who will arise "in the final days," crush Israel's enemies, purge Jerusalem, judge the nations by the law, and reign over a holy people.  Nobody in these texts expects him to suffer.

The Psalms of Solomon

The seventeenth of the Psalms of Solomon is the fullest early portrait.  It was written after Pompey took Jerusalem in 63 BC, and Psalm 2 of the collection describes his corpse "on the mountains of Egypt," which places the book after his death in 48 BC.1  The psalmist asks God to "raise up for them their king, the son of Dauid," and to "gird him with strength to shatter in pieces unrighteous rulers, to purify Ierousalem from nations that trample her down in destruction … to destroy the lawless nations by the word of his mouth."10  Then the climax:  "And he shall be a righteous king, taught by God, over them, and there shall be no injustice in his days in their midst, for all shall be holy, and their king the anointed of the Lord."10

The last phrase has a textual problem that a skeptic would want stated.  Every Greek manuscript reads christos kyrios, "the anointed, the Lord."  Modern editions print christos kyriou, "the anointed of the Lord," following an emendation first proposed in 1870.  Kenneth Atkinson, who translated the book for the New English Translation of the Septuagint, judges that "the original genitive κυρίου was likely erroneously rendered as a nominative by a later Christian scribe."10  The emendation is probably right, since the same slip occurs in the Greek of Lamentations 4:20.  Either way the psalm calls the king christos, "anointed," and Collins calls it the only clear pre-Scroll evidence "for the use of the term messiah (χριστός) with reference to a future Davidic king."1

Collins sums up the figure:  "He is first of all the one who will liberate Jerusalem, and defeat and subjugate the Gentiles.  He will then usher in an era of peace and reign in a kingdom marked by holiness and righteousness.  This picture draws its warrants from biblical prophecy, especially Isaiah 11 and Psalm 2."1

The Scrolls

The same king appears in Scroll copies made before Jesus, under several titles.

  • 4Q161, a commentary on Isaiah. Isaiah 11:1–5, the shoot from the stump of Jesse, is explained as "[the shoot] of David which will sprout in the fi[nal days]." The restored text goes on: "He will rule over all the pe[ople]s and Magog … his sword will judge [al]l the peoples." The commentator adds that "according to what they teach him, he will judge," meaning the priests.4 The word "shoot" is restored, and so is most of "final days," but "of David which will sprout" survives on the leather. The copy is radiocarbon dated to 55 BC to AD 30 at 92 % probability.3
  • 4Q174, the Florilegium. God's promise to David in 2 Samuel 7:12–14, "I will raise up your seed after you … I will be a father to him and he will be a son to me," is read as a prophecy: "This (refers to the) «branch of David», who will arise with the Interpreter of the law who [will rise up] in Zi[on in] the [l]ast days." Amos 9:11, "I will raise up the hut of David which has fallen," is applied to the same moment.4 Geza Vermes dated the copy to "the late first century bce."12
  • 1QSb, the Blessings. A blessing for "the prince of the congregation" weaves Isaiah 11 into a prayer: "With your sceptre may you lay waste the earth. With the breath of your lips may you kill the wicked. … For God has raised you to a sceptre for the rulers."4
  • The Damascus Document. Balaam's oracle in Numbers 24:17 is read of two figures: "And the star is the Interpreter of the law … The sceptre is the prince of the whole congregation and when he rises he will destroy all the sons of Seth."4 The Cave 4 copy 4Q266 preserves the same sentence.4
  • 4Q252, a commentary on Genesis. Genesis 49:10 is explained: "Until the messiah of righteousness comes, the branch of David. For to him and to his descendants has been given the covenant of the kingship of his people for everlasting generations."4 The verse itself belongs to Messianic Birth Texts.
  • 4Q285, the "Rule of War." The same Branch of David and Prince of the Congregation leads the last battle against the Kittim, the Romans. This fragment became famous in 1991 as the "pierced messiah" text, and it is taken up in Part 6.

Two features recur.  The king acts in tandem with priests, and in most of these texts below them:  in 4Q161 he judges as the priests teach him, and in 4Q174 he arises with the Interpreter of the Law.  Collins notes that "all the major rule and law books … support the bifurcation of authority in the messianic era."1  And he is a warrior.  The verbs are "shatter," "kill," "destroy," "judge."

The "Son of God" text

One Aramaic fragment, 4Q246, says of a coming figure:  "He will be called son of God, and they will call him son of the Most High.  Like the sparks that you saw, so will their kingdom be … Until the people of God arises and makes everyone rest from the sword."4  The copy dates from the last third of the first century BC.13  The words recall Luke 1:32–35, and their referent is disputed.  J. T. Milik took the figure for the Seleucid king Alexander Balas, David Flusser for the Antichrist, Florentino García Martínez for an angel such as Michael or Melchizedek, and Fitzmyer for a Jewish king with at most a "messianic undertone."12  Collins argues for a messiah:  "Since Michael or the Prince of Light is never called 'Son of God,' and since there is a clear basis for applying this title to the Davidic king, whether past or future, the messianic interpretation should be preferred."1  Vermes saw instead "the last historico-apocalyptic sovereign of the ultimate world empire who, like his model, Antiochus Epiphanes in Dan. xi, 36-7, is expected to proclaim himself and be worshipped as a god."12  The text proves that "son of God" and "son of the Most High" were current royal or rival-royal titles in Aramaic before Jesus.  It does not settle whose title they were.

Part 3: Priest, prophet and two messiahs

The messiahs of Aaron and Israel

The best-known messianic sentence in the Scrolls is a rule of conduct in the Community Rule, 1QS.  The members "shall be ruled by the first directives which the men of the Community began to be taught until the prophet comes, and the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel."4  Aaron stands for the priesthood and Israel for the lay nation, so the sentence looks for an anointed priest and an anointed king, with a prophet beside them.  Fitzmyer reads it as "an affirmation of the community's expectation of three coming figures."6  The copy is well dated.  Frank Moore Cross put its hand at 100–75 BC, and a sample from it gave a radiocarbon range of 159 BC to AD 20 at one standard deviation.9

The sentence has a manuscript problem that is seldom mentioned.  A Cave 4 copy of the same rule, 4Q259, runs straight past the place where the sentence should be.  Sarianna Metso, who wrote the standard study of the rule's editions, reports that "in 4QS^e the passage parallel to 1QS VIII.15b–IX.11 is not present," and argues that "the passage is a secondary insertion in 1QS."14  Vermes noted that the phrase "is absent, however, from all the extant 4Q manuscripts of the Community Rule."12  The 2025 radiocarbon test put 4Q259 at 210–100 BC, at least as old as 1QS.3  So the two-messiah sentence may be a later addition inside the sect.  It is still pre-Christian, because the copy that contains it is.

The Damascus Document speaks four times of "the messiah of Aaron and Israel," in the singular, and in one place of "the messiah out of Aaron and Israel."4  Its two complete manuscripts come from the Cairo Genizah and date from the tenth and the eleventh or twelfth centuries AD.15  That would make them useless here, except that a Cave 4 copy, 4Q266, keeps the phrase:  the community shall be ruled by these regulations "until the rise of the messiah of Aaron and Israel."4  Whether the singular means one figure or two is an old dispute.  Collins calls the expression "only a precarious foundation for any theory of messianic development."1

The Rule of the Congregation, 1QSa, describes a meal "when [God] begets the Messiah with them."  The chief priest enters first and blesses the bread, and only "afterwar[ds,] the Messiah of Israel [shall str]etch out his hands towards the bread."4  The word for God is restored, and the verb itself has been read in other ways, so the "begetting" cannot bear theological weight.  The order of precedence is clear:  priest first, king second.

The priestly messiah is a sectarian idea.  Collins observes that Josephus, "virtually our only source for popular movements in Judaism in this period, preserves no stories of priestly messianic pretenders," and concludes that the priestly messiah "appears to have been distinctive to sectarian circles."1

A prophet like Moses, and Elijah

Deuteronomy 18:18 promises:  "I would raise up for them a prophet from among their brothers, like you, and place my words in his mouth."  The Testimonia, 4Q175, copied in "the early first century BCE,"12 strings that verse together with Balaam's star and scepter from Numbers 24:15–17 and Moses's blessing of Levi from Deuteronomy 33:8–11, with no comment.4  Read beside 1QS, the three quotations line up with the prophet, the king and the priest.  Another Cave 4 text calls Moses himself "his anointed one," which shows that the word "anointed" could mark a prophet as well as a king or a priest.4

Elijah is the other prophet the period expected.  Malachi had promised to send him before the day of the Lord.  Ben Sira, writing around 180 BC, says Elijah was "recorded ready for the times, to calm anger before wrath, to turn the heart of a father to a son and to restore the tribes of Iakob."16

4Q521: "heaven and earth will listen to his anointed one"

The fragment 4Q521, copied by about 100 BC on the 2025 radiocarbon date, joins the anointed figure to the works of the last days:

[for the heav]ens and the earth will listen to his anointed one … And the Lord will perform marvellous acts such as have not existed, just as he sa[id,] [for] he will heal the badly wounded and will make the dead live, he will proclaim good news to the poor.4

Who does the healing is disputed.  Fitzmyer points out that line 3 ends with a blank space, so that "the subject of lines 4-14 is rather 'the Lord.'  Hence they are deeds that the Lord will accomplish in the time of His Messiah."6  Collins thinks "it is likely that God acts through the agency of a prophetic messiah in line 12," an Elijah figure.1  Either way the text is striking.  In Matthew 11:5 and Luke 7:22, Jesus answers John the Baptist's question, "Are you the one who is to come?",6 with the same list:  the blind see, the dead are raised, the poor have good news.17  Isaiah 61:1 does not mention raising the dead.  Collins:  "both go beyond Isaiah 61 in referring to the raising of the dead.  This can hardly be coincidental."1  The parallel shows that Jesus's answer drew on a known pre-Christian picture of the messianic age.  Nothing in 4Q521 suffers.

11Q13: Melchizedek and the anointed herald

11QMelchizedek, "a striking first-century bce document" in Vermes's words,12 makes the priest-king Melchizedek a heavenly judge who frees the captives of Belial in the last jubilee.  It applies Isaiah 52:7 to a herald:  "And the messenger i[s] the anointed of the spir[it] as Dan[iel] said [about him: Dan 9:25 «Until an anointed, a prince, it is seven weeks.»"4  The square brackets matter.  Only "Dan" survives of Daniel's name, and the quotation of Daniel 9:25 is entirely restored by the editors.  The scroll shows that Isaiah 52:7 and 61:1 were read of an anointed eschatological herald.  It does not give a secure pre-Christian reading of Daniel 9:25, which is argued in the article on Daniel 9.

Part 4: The heavenly figure

A third type of messiah is not born in the ordinary way at all.  He is preexistent, sits on a heavenly throne, and judges at the end.

The Similitudes of Enoch

The Similitudes, or Parables, of Enoch take Daniel 7's "one like a son of man" and make him a named figure:  the Son of Man, the Chosen One, the Righteous One.  Twice they call him God's anointed.  Kings "have denied the Lord of Spirits and His Anointed," and the angel tells Enoch that what he has seen "shall serve the dominion of His Anointed that he may be potent and mighty on the earth."18  Collins notes that he "is also called 'messiah' in the Similitudes (1 Enoch 48:10), but he is a heavenly preexistent figure, rather than an exalted human king."1  Fitzmyer adds that the Similitudes hold "the oldest messianic interpretation of the Servant" of Isaiah, who is called "the light of the nations,"1 but that "no mention is made of a suffering Son of Man or a suffering Messiah."6

The date is the weak point.  R. H. Charles argued that "the date of the Parables could not have been earlier than 94 B.C. or later than 64 B.C.," because the book does not yet know Rome as a world power.18  Collins argues for a date before AD 70, partly because "it is doubtful whether a Jewish author would have made such explicit use of the expression 'Son of Man' for a messianic figure after that phrase had been appropriated by the Christians," and because the book never mentions the fall of Jerusalem.1  Boyarin, who builds much of his case on the book, dates it to "the mid-first century A.D."11  On none of these dates does the book have a copy from the period;  it is the one part of 1 Enoch absent from Qumran.  So the Similitudes probably show a Jewish heavenly-messiah idea from around the time of Jesus.  They cannot show, by a dated manuscript, that it was older than him.

The other early reworkings of Daniel 7 come after AD 70.  In 4 Ezra 13 "something like the figure of a man" comes up from the sea and flies with the clouds, and 4 Ezra 12:32 identifies the lion of the vision as "the Messiah whom the Most High has kept until the end of days, who will arise from the posterity of David."19  Daniel 7:13 itself, and whether its "one like a son of man" is a messiah or stands for the "holy ones" who receive the kingdom, is scored in Messianic Prophecy:  An Overview.

A speaker enthroned among the gods

A hymn found in several Scroll copies, the so-called self-glorification hymn, is spoken by a human figure who claims heavenly rank.  The copy 4Q491c reads:  "a mighty throne in the congregation of the gods above which none of the kings of the East shall sit … I am counted among the gods and my dwelling is in the holy congregation."4  Maurice Baillet, its first editor, took the speaker for the archangel Michael.2  Collins takes him for the expected priest:  the placement in the War Rule "is highly compatible with the view that the implied speaker is the eschatological priest/teacher."1  Israel Knohl takes him for a royal messiah.6  The hymn returns in Part 6, because one line of it is the main Scroll evidence for a suffering messiah.

The Greek Psalm 110

The Greek translation of Psalm 110:3, made in the second or first century BC,19 has God say to the king, in Greek, from the womb, before the morning star, I begot you (ἐκ γαστρὸς πρὸ ἑωσφόρου ἐξεγέννησά σε).20  The Hebrew is obscure here.  Collins reads the Greek as making the messiah preexistent.19

Part 5: Which scriptures were read as messianic before Christianity

Test 3 asks whether a text was read as a prediction before the event.  For the messiah, the Scrolls and the Greek Bible let that question be answered verse by verse.  The table lists the earliest datable reading of each scripture as referring to a coming messianic figure.  "Datable" means a manuscript, a translation or an author older than the Christian movement, or, for Philo, independent of it.

Scripture Earliest datable messianic reading How it is dated What it is read to promise
Numbers 24:17, star and scepter Greek translation; Damascus Document 7 and its Cave 4 copy; 4Q175; War Rule 11 Greek Pentateuch by the mid-third century BC;19 4Q175 copied early first century BC A ruler who will "rise up out of Israel" and crush Israel's enemies; in the Damascus Document, the Prince of the Congregation
Numbers 24:7 Greek translation; Philo Third century BC; Philo wrote about AD 40 "A person will come forth from his offspring, and he shall rule over many nations"21
Isaiah 11:1–5, shoot of Jesse 4Q161; 1QSb; 4Q285; Psalms of Solomon 17 4Q161 radiocarbon 55 BC–AD 30; Psalms of Solomon about 50 BC A Davidic king who judges by the law and kills the wicked "with the breath of his lips"
2 Samuel 7:11–14, the promise to David 4Q174 Late first century BC The "branch of David" who will arise "in the last days"
Amos 9:11, David's fallen hut 4Q174; Damascus Document 7 Late first century BC The restoration of David's line
Psalm 2 Psalms of Solomon 17 About 50 BC The king smashes the nations "like a potter's vessel" with "an iron rod"
Genesis 49:10 4Q252 A Qumran copy, not separately dated here "the messiah of righteousness … the branch of David"; see Messianic Birth Texts
Deuteronomy 18:18, a prophet like Moses 4Q175; 1QS 9:11 Early first century BC An end-time prophet beside the messiahs
Isaiah 61:1, the anointed herald 4Q521; 11Q13 Before 100 BC; first century BC Good news to the poor, healing, raising the dead, release of captives
Isaiah 52:7, the messenger 11Q13 First century BC "the anointed of the spirit" who announces salvation
Malachi 3:23–24 (English 4:5–6), Elijah Ben Sira 48:10 About 180 BC Elijah will "restore the tribes of Iakob"
Psalm 110:3 Greek translation Second or first century BC A king begotten before the morning star
Daniel 7:13, "one like a son of man" Similitudes of Enoch Date disputed, about 50 BC to AD 70; no early copy A preexistent heavenly judge called "His Anointed"; scored in Messianic Prophecy: An Overview
Daniel 9:25, "an anointed one, a prince" 11Q13, but the quotation is restored First century BC Uncertain; see Daniel 9
Isaiah 52:13–53:12, the servant None that names a messiah The Targum's "my servant the messiah" is post-Christian in its written form See Isaiah 53
Psalm 22 None See Psalm 22
Zechariah 12:10, "him whom they pierced" None before the Babylonian Talmud, b. Sukkah 52a Talmud dated about AD 5506 A Messiah son of Joseph killed in battle

The Greek Bible and Philo

The Greek translation of Numbers is, in the words of its NETS translator, "quite a literal reproduction of the Hebrew that is often wooden."21  That makes its two departures in Balaam's oracles telling.  At 24:7 the Hebrew has "Water shall flow from his buckets."17  The Greek has "A person will come forth from his offspring, and he shall rule over many nations."  At 24:17, where the Hebrew has "A scepter will rise out of Israel," the Greek has "a person shall rise up out of Israel."21  Collins judges that this "man, who will have a kingdom … is of some significance for messianism in the Hellenistic period, even though this passage refrains from calling him a king."19  He adds that the Greek Pentateuch "provides little evidence of messianic expectation" overall, and that at Genesis 49:10 the Greek "fails to associate the future glory of Judah with an individual ruler."

Philo of Alexandria, writing in Greek around AD 40 and untouched by Christianity, read Numbers 24:7 the same way.  In his paraphrase of Balaam:  "A man shall hereafter come forth out of thee who shall rule over many nations, and his kingdom shall increase every day and be raised up to heaven."22  In On Rewards and Punishments he expects that "a man will come forth, says the word of God, leading a host and warring furiously, who will subdue great and populous nations."23  Philo's figure is a conqueror.

The translators of the Prophets went further in one place.  Where Amos 4:13 says that God declares to man "what is his thought," the Greek has God "announcing to humanity his anointed."19

The Targums

The Aramaic Targums are full of the messiah.  Onkelos turns Genesis 49:10 into until the Messiah comes, whose is the kingdom, and Numbers 24:17 into when a king arises from Jacob and the Messiah is anointed.  Targum Jonathan on Isaiah 11:1 has "from his children's children the Messiah shall be anointed," and on Isaiah 52:13, "Behold, my servant the messiah shall prosper."24  These show that the readings continued in synagogue use.  They cannot date them.  Onqelos "may stem originally from the mid-third century," on Fitzmyer's estimate, and the Targum known as Pseudo-Jonathan names the wives of Ishmael "Adisha" and "Fatima," the names of Muhammad's wife and daughter, so its final form is later than the seventh century.24  Where a Targum agrees with a Scroll or the Greek, the older witness carries the date.  Where it stands alone, as with Isaiah 52:13, it fails Test 1 for this purpose.

The oracle that started a war

Josephus says that what most moved the Jews to revolt against Rome in AD 66 was "an ambiguous oracle" in "their sacred writings," that "about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth," and that it really "denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea."25  Tacitus and Suetonius report the same belief, and both apply it to Vespasian.2627  The method article uses this oracle to show how one text can be read beforehand and still be fixed to its referent only afterwards.  For this article it shows something else:  a scripture-based expectation of a world ruler from Judea was widespread enough in the 60s AD for two Roman historians to know of it.  Which scripture it was, no ancient writer says.  Collins:  "It is not clear what passage in the Scriptures Josephus had in mind."1  Numbers 24:17 and Daniel are the usual guesses.  Josephus elsewhere declines to explain the stone that shatters the kingdoms in Daniel 2:  "I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future."28

Part 6: Did anyone expect a suffering messiah before Jesus?

This is the question on which apologetics most often overstates.  Popular books say that the Jews expected a suffering messiah, or two messiahs, one to suffer and one to reign, and that Jesus fulfilled both.  Some skeptics say the opposite:  that a dying and rising messiah was already a Jewish idea, so the Christians simply applied it to their dead teacher.  Both claims are tested here against dated texts.

The maximal case, in its own words

Joachim Jeremias set out the classic argument in 1957.  The rabbis say much about the atoning death of martyrs and the righteous, yet never cite Isaiah 53 for it.  "It is astonishing that in this rich material there is no reference to Isa. 53.  Of this there is only one possible explanation:  the connexion of Isa. 53 with the Messiah was from pre-Christian days so firmly and exclusively held by Palestinian Judaism that the application of this chapter to the expiatory death of the righteous was automatically excluded from consideration."29  The rarity of messianic readings of Isaiah 53 in later Jewish texts, he argued, "ignores the great part which—very understandably—the debate with Christianity played in this question."29

Martin Hengel restated the case in 2004 with the Scrolls in hand.  He warned against "the wishful thinking of a few conservative exegetes," and equally against critics who reject the idea "before examining the complex details of the case."  "Historical reality never follows our wishes."2  His conclusion was that "traditions of suffering and atoning eschatological messianic figures were current in Palestinian Judaism, and that Jesus and the earliest Church could have known and appealed to them."2

Israel Knohl of the Hebrew University went furthest.  In The Messiah Before Jesus (2000) he argued that a Qumran leader "was finally killed in Jerusalem, and his body was left in the street for three days.  His disciples believed that he had arisen after three days and had ascended to heaven."  This created, "for the first time in the history of Judaism," a "'catastrophic' messianism in which the humiliation, rejection, and death of the Messiah were regarded as an inseparable part of the redemptive process."30  Knohl calls his book's opening "imaginary reconstruction of a day in the Messiah's life," and its chief claim "that Jesus was the heir and successor of the Messiah of Qumran."30

Daniel Boyarin of Berkeley put the point most sharply for a general audience in 2012.  The view that Christians invented the suffering messiah after the fact "has to be rejected completely.  The notion of the humiliated and suffering Messiah was not at all alien within Judaism before Jesus' advent."11  "Jews, it seems, had no difficulty whatever with understanding a Messiah who would vicariously suffer to redeem the world."11

The minimal case, in its own words

John Collins answers that "attempts to find precedents in the Scrolls for a suffering or dying messiah have, I believe, been misguided."1  The view that some Jews read Isaiah 53 of a suffering messiah "is associated above all with Joachim Jeremias.  Subsequent scholarship has largely moved away from that position."1  His conclusion is the first quotation at the head of this article.

Joseph Fitzmyer reaches the same verdict from a study of the word itself:  "The idea of a suffering Messiah, however, is found nowhere in the Old Testament or in any Jewish literature prior to or contemporaneous with the New Testament.  It is a Christian conception that goes beyond the Jewish messianic tradition."6

Magnus Zetterholm, introducing a 2007 survey by five scholars:  "Even though there was a rich supply of culturally determined messianic traditions, none of these included the suffering and death of the Messiah of Israel."31

The two sides do not disagree about the texts that exist.  They disagree about how much to infer from texts that do not.  So the test is to take each claimed example and ask four things:  is the figure called anointed, does he suffer, does he die, and does his suffering or death atone?

4Q285: the "pierced messiah"

In November 1991 the "pierced messiah" fragment was reported around the world.  Robert Eisenman and Michael Wise's translation of line 4 read "they will put to death the Leader of the Community, the Bran[ch of David]."  The rest of the field reads the same Hebrew letters as "the Prince of the Congregation, the Bran[ch of David] will kill him,"1 with a defeated enemy, probably the king of the Kittim, as the one killed.  The Study Edition translates:  "the Prince of the Congregation will kill him, the bu[d of David …]."4

The Hebrew verb whmytw can be either "and they will kill" or "and he will kill him."  Fitzmyer notes that the first reading "would normally demand את, the particle marking a definite direct object, which is missing," and that it "does not cope with the context."6  The context is Isaiah 11, quoted in the fragment's first lines, where the shoot of Jesse slays the wicked "with the breath of his lips."  Collins:  "it seems beyond reasonable doubt that the Prince/Branch is the subject of the verb to kill, not its object."1  The word sometimes translated "piercings" in line 5 is a plural noun meaning "woundings" or "piercings," and Markus Bockmuehl, who examined it, notes that it is not clear how the word relates to the killing.32  His verdict:  "the fragment from 4Q Serekh Milhamah does not refer to a dying Messiah.  Nor of course does it advance the question of whether there was any Jewish notion of a suffering and dying Messiah before the coming of Christ."32  Vermes calls the label "erroneously" applied.12

Score:  anointed figure, yes.  Suffers, no.  Dies, no;  he kills.

4Q541: the slandered priest

The Aramaic text 4Q541 describes a future figure:  "he will atone for all the children of his generation, and he will be sent to all the children of his [people].  His word is like the word of the heavens … They will utter many words against him, and an abundance of [lie]s;  they will fabricate fables against him, and utter every kind of disparagement against him."4  The copy is old.  Its radiocarbon ranges all end before 55 BC.3

Jean Starcky claimed to find here "a suffering messiah, in the perspective opened up by the Servant poems," and Émile Puech endorsed the claim.1  Hengel agreed that "we can hardly contradict" Puech's description of it as "the first and oldest midrashic exploitation of the Servant Songs of Isaiah interpreted in terms of an individual."2  Collins replies that "the obvious implication is that he is a priest and makes atonement by means of the sacrificial cult.  He does not atone by his suffering and death, as is the case with Isaiah's servant.  …  the figure in this passage undergoes suffering, but it is mental anguish, brought on by lies and calumnies."1  Another fragment of the same scroll mentions "the nail," which some have taken as crucifixion.  Collins notes that even if so, "there is still no question of a messianic figure being crucified.  Rather, the person addressed in the text is told not to afflict the weak by crucifixion."1

Score:  the word "anointed" does not appear.  Suffers slander, yes.  Dies, no.  Atones, yes, as a priest.  This is the strongest pre-Christian text for a righteous end-time figure who is rejected by his generation, and it is the nearest thing to the Gospels' picture of rejection.  It is not a dying messiah.

The self-glorification hymn

One version of this hymn, 4Q491c, has its exalted speaker ask:  "[W]ho has been considered despicable on my account?  And who is comparable to me in my glory? … Who bea[rs all] sorrows like me?  And who [suffe]rs evil like me?  There is no-one."4  In another version Knohl reads:  "[Who] has been despised like [me?  And who] has been rejected [of men] like me?"  He hears Isaiah 53:3, "He was despised and rejected of men," and takes the speaker as a royal messiah who "views himself in the image of the 'suffering servant' in Isaiah 53."30

The echo of Isaiah 53 is real.  But the speaker is enthroned "in the congregation of the gods," and does not die in the text.  Fitzmyer:  "nowhere in the text does he claim to be an anointed figure, and משיח does not appear in it."6  Knohl himself concedes that "nowhere else in the corpus of the scrolls do we find words placed in the mouth of either Messiah."30  Knohl's death and resurrection of this figure come not from the hymn but, as Fitzmyer lists them, from "the hymns, the Oracle of Hystaspes, Revelation 13, details from the life of Caesar Augustus, and Virgil's Fourth Eclogue," and apart from the hymns none of these is a Qumran text.306  Fitzmyer's judgment:  "Although such an interpretation may be possible, little of it is probable, and none of it is certain."6

Score:  anointed, not said.  Suffers, in a rhetorical question, yes.  Dies, no.  Atones, no.

The Gabriel Revelation stone

In 2007 Ada Yardeni and Binyamin Elizur published an 87-line Hebrew text written in ink on a stone, bought by a Swiss collector from a Jordanian dealer who could not give its findspot.8  Its handwriting dates to "about the late first century b.c.e. or the early first century c.e."8  Yuval Goren of Tel Aviv University examined its mineral crust and found "no indication of modern treatment of the surface of the stone," and "none of the experts who have examined the text has concluded that the stone is a forgery."8

Knohl read the word after "in three days" in line 80 as חאיה, "live," a call to a slain messiah to rise, and identified that messiah as Simon of Peraea, killed in 4 BC.  The first editors could read only the first letter of the disputed word.8  Elisha Qimron and Alexey Yuditsky read the word as "the sign" and translated the line "In three days the sign will be (given)."8  In 2011 Knohl himself accepted that reading:  "I now accept the reading האות ('the sign') of the third word of line 80. … I still maintain that the reading חאיה ('live') is possible graphically.  Yet the inner connections between lines 17–21 and line 80 support the reading האות ('the sign')."8  He still argues that line 81's "prince of princes," who becomes "dung in the rocky crevices," is a leader killed and left unburied, and that the text came from Simon's followers after 4 BC.8  Collins finds that "many of the readings are uncertain, and that only a very elliptic text is available to us," and that what is clear is that "the Davidic Messiah has a role to play in this eschatological drama."8

Score:  a Davidic figure, yes.  Suffers or dies, possibly, if line 81 means what Knohl thinks.  Rises, no longer claimed by anyone.  Atones, no.

4 Ezra's dying messiah

4 Ezra 7:28–29 says:  "For my Son the Messiah shall be revealed, together with those who are with him, and shall rejoice the survivors four hundred years.  And it shall be, after these years, that my Son the Messiah shall die, and all in whom there is human breath."33  This is a messiah who dies.  But the book opens "in the thirtieth year after the downfall of the City," and its editor, G. H. Box, fixed the limits of its final form at "A.D. 100-135," assigning this passage to the final redactor.33  And the death atones for nothing.  Collins:  "His death, however, does not involve suffering and has no atoning significance.  In 4 Ezra 7:29-30 the death of the messiah marks the end of a four-hundred-year reign."1

Score:  anointed, yes.  Dies, yes, at the end of a 400-year reign along with everyone else.  Suffers or atones, no.  Written after AD 70.

Hengel's other indices

Hengel adds texts in which Isaiah 53 is echoed without a messiah.  Daniel 12:3 calls the faithful teachers of the persecution under Antiochus IV "those who turn many to righteousness,"17 reusing the phrase of Isaiah 53:11, and promises them resurrection.  That reading is collective, and it is discussed in Isaiah 53.  The Armenian version of the Testament of Benjamin 3:8 speaks of "the sinless one" who "will die for the sake of impious men,"2 but the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs survive only in Christian copies, and the Greek of this verse is openly Christian, so it fails Test 1.  Daniel 9:26 says that "an Anointed One shall be cut down," in Fitzmyer's translation, and he reports that the identification of this figure with the murdered high priest Onias III "is commonly admitted by commentators today."6  The text's date and meaning are argued in Dating Daniel and Daniel 9.  No pre-Christian Jewish text applies Daniel 9:26 to a coming messiah who dies.

Where the evidence lands

Text Date of the evidence Called anointed? Suffers? Dies? Atones?
4Q285 Copy, first century BC or AD Yes No No, he kills No
4Q541 Copy, before 55 BC No Slander No Yes, as priest
Self-glorification hymn Qumran copies, no laboratory date No Rhetorical question No No
4Q521 Copy, before 100 BC Yes No No No
Gabriel stone Late first century BC or early first AD A Davidic figure Uncertain Uncertain No
4 Ezra 7:29 Written about AD 100 Yes No Yes No
Messiah son of Joseph, b. Sukkah 52a Talmud about AD 550 Yes Killed in battle Yes No

No pre-Christian text has all four marks, or even three of them.  The only texts in which a messiah dies were written after AD 70, and in neither does the death atone.  The best scholar on the maximal side states the result himself:  the expectation "cannot therefore be proven to exist with absolute certainty and in a clearly outlined form in pre-Christian Judaism."2  Boyarin's own endnote concedes, of his reading of Mark:  "I do not know early evidence outside of the Gospels for this particular way of reading the Daniel material as applying to a suffering Messiah, still less to a dying and rising one."11  His evidence for a suffering messiah in Judaism is drawn, by his own account, from rabbinic texts "from the time of the Talmud and onward."11

Silence in the sources does not prove that nobody held the idea, and Hengel's "at the margins" cannot be excluded.  It can be sized.  A rough calculation shows what the silence rules out:  if even one messianic composition in five had included a suffering messiah, the chance that a sample of twenty would show none is about 1 %, while an idea found in one composition in twenty would be missed about a third of the time.34  The silence is strong evidence that a suffering messiah was not a common expectation, and weak evidence against a rare one.

What follows

For Christian apologetics, the claim that first-century Jews expected a suffering messiah should be dropped.  Isaiah 53 passes Test 1 beyond dispute, since a complete copy predates Jesus, but it has no pre-Christian messianic reading, so it fails Test 3 as a recognised prediction.  Its value as evidence has to rest on what the text commits to and on what could not be arranged, which is how Isaiah 53 argues it.  Collins's sentence states the historical order:  "The Christian belief in such a figure, and discovery of prophecies relating to him, surely arose in retrospect after the passion and death of Jesus of Nazareth."1

For the skeptic, the same evidence closes a door.  If no Jewish group expected a crucified messiah, the first Christians did not borrow one.  Paul calls the message of "Christ crucified" "a stumbling block to Jews."17  The crucifixion was the problem the earliest believers had to explain, and they reached for Isaiah 53 and Psalm 22 to explain it.  That is the pattern of a movement reacting to an event it did not expect, not of one acting out a script it already had.

Part 7: The claimants and the movements

Between Herod's death in 4 BC and the fall of Bar Kokhba in AD 135, Josephus and later writers name eighteen Jewish leaders who gathered followings:  eight with royal language such as a diadem or the title of king, six "sign prophets" who promised Exodus-style wonders, and a few rebel chiefs.  The full table, with each man's sources and the Greek word used for him, is in Was Jesus One of Many Would-Be Messiahs?

Josephus never calls any of them a messiah.  He uses christos of one man only, Jesus.5  Whether that silence is deliberate is disputed, and Collins's caution holds:  "we have no real evidence of their aspirations."1  Apart from Jesus, the only claimant explicitly called messiah in any source is Bar Kokhba, and the title comes from the Jerusalem Talmud, compiled about three centuries later;  his own letters call him "President over Israel."76

The royal pretenders behaved as the scriptures' king was expected to behave, by taking a crown and fighting, and the prophets behaved as a new Moses or Joshua would.  Every one of their movements ended with the leader's death or passed to a relative who made his own claim.  Jesus's movement is the exception:  it kept calling its executed leader the messiah and said he had been raised.  The child article prices the count, tests the later survivors (Sabbatai Zevi and the Lubavitch movement, both of which denied their leader's death), and sets out what the comparison does and does not show.  For this article the result is the one stated in the Summary:  "messiah" in Jesus's day meant a king who would win, and a crucified messiah was a contradiction in terms, which is why Paul called it "a stumbling block to Jews."17

Part 8: The later rabbinic material

Many presentations of "Jewish messianic expectation" quote the Talmud as though it described the time of Jesus.  It is later, and the passages most often cited show their date on their face.

  • The Mishnah, written down "under Rabbi Judah the Prince ca. A.D. 200-220,"6 mentions the messiah only in passing. Collins: "The Mishnah only twice makes passing reference to 'the days of the messiah' (m. Ber. 1:5 and m. Sotah 9:15)."19
  • b. Sukkah 52a records a dispute about the mourning of Zechariah 12:10–12. "Rabbi Dosa and the Rabbis disagree concerning this matter. One said that this eulogy is for Messiah ben Yosef who was killed in the war of Gog from the land of Magog prior to the ultimate redemption with the coming of Messiah ben David."35 This is the first clear Jewish text in which a messiah is killed, and the killing is a death in battle, not an atonement. Collins and Joseph Heinemann trace the figure to the defeat of Bar Kokhba.8 Hengel, on the other side, says only that "a pre-Christian origin of this idea is only possible, not provable."2
  • b. Sanhedrin 98b lists names for the messiah proposed by different schools. One is "the leper of the house of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi," supported by Isaiah 53:4, "Indeed our illnesses he did bear."35 Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi is Judah the Prince, under whom the Mishnah was written down, so the saying is later than about AD 200. It does apply Isaiah 53 to the messiah, which matters for the Isaiah 53 debate, but it cannot be a pre-Christian witness.
  • b. Sanhedrin 98a places the messiah among the sick "at the entrance of the city of Rome," binding his wounds one at a time.35 Rome as the capital of Israel's oppressor is a post-AD 70 setting.
  • b. Sanhedrin 99a records one Rabbi Hillel saying: "There is no Messiah coming for the Jewish people, as they already ate from him, as all the prophecies relating to the Messiah were already fulfilled, during the days of Hezekiah." The Talmud rebukes him at once.35

Boyarin is right that suffering-messiah ideas were familiar to rabbinic Judaism from the Talmud on.  The dating means they cannot be read back to the first century without other evidence, and the other evidence, examined in Part 6, is not there.

Objections and responses

  1. "Isaiah 53 describes a suffering servant, so a suffering messiah was in the scriptures all along." That is a claim about what Isaiah 53 means, and it belongs to Isaiah 53. The question here is narrower: did anyone before Jesus read it of the messiah? No dated text does. The earliest reuse of its wording, Daniel 12:3, applies it to the faithful teachers as a group. The Targum's "my servant the messiah" is post-Christian in its written form, and, as Collins notes, it "systematically subverts the references to the suffering of the servant."1 A text can be a true prediction without having been recognised as one in advance, but it then passes Test 1 and fails Test 3.
  2. "The rabbis would never have adopted a dying Messiah son of Joseph if the idea had been Christian. It must be older." The rabbis' dying messiah is killed in battle and atones for nothing, which is not the Christian idea. Its most likely source is the death of a real messianic claimant, Bar Kokhba, in AD 135. Hengel, who wanted a pre-Christian origin, judged it "only possible, not provable."2
  3. "Jeremias showed that the rabbis suppressed messianic readings of Isaiah 53 because Christians used them. Silence proves nothing." Polemic may explain why later rabbinic texts say little. It does not explain the silence of the Scrolls, which were sealed in caves before any rabbi argued with any Christian, or of Philo and the Psalms of Solomon. Those are the texts that would show a pre-Christian reading, and they do not.
  4. "The Scrolls' two messiahs, priest and king, foreshadow Christ's two offices or his two comings." The two figures in 1QS and 1QSa are two different men who appear together, the priest outranking the king. Neither suffers. The Christian idea of one messiah who comes twice is a different idea, built after the crucifixion. The Scrolls' expectation is better evidence that the period had more than one messianic model than that it had the Christian one.
  5. "Josephus suppressed messianic language, so the absence of 'messiah' in his accounts proves nothing." This objection is answered in Was Jesus One of Many Would-Be Messiahs?, which concedes it and shows why the comparison of outcomes does not depend on it.
  6. "The Gabriel Revelation proves a dying and rising messiah before Jesus." Its own champion has withdrawn the word "live" in line 80. What remains is Knohl's reading of line 81 as an unburied leader, on a stone with no findspot and an "elliptic" text. Even on that reading the leader does not rise and does not atone.
  7. "4Q521 shows a messiah who raises the dead, exactly like Jesus." The subject of "make the dead live" is probably God, acting "in the time of His Messiah," in Fitzmyer's reading, or God acting through a prophetic messiah, in Collins's. Either way the text is real evidence that Jesus's reply to John drew on a pre-Christian picture of the messianic age. That supports the claim that his contemporaries could recognise what he was claiming. It says nothing about suffering.
  8. "The Christians invented their messianic prophecies after the fact." For the suffering texts, Collins agrees: their discovery "surely arose in retrospect." For the royal texts, the charge fails. Numbers 24, Isaiah 11, 2 Samuel 7, Amos 9 and Psalm 2 were read of a coming king in copies made before Jesus, and the Christians inherited those readings rather than inventing them.
  9. "Some of these copies could be later than they look. 1QS's radiocarbon range reaches AD 111, and 4Q266's reaches AD 120." The tails are real, and a radiocarbon range alone does not exclude a first-century AD copy. But 1QS's handwriting is dated 100–75 BC, and the Cave 4 copy that lacks its messianic sentence is radiocarbon dated 210–100 BC. 4Q266's handwriting is dated 100–50 BC.9 The 2025 study found that cleaned samples in this corpus give older, not younger, dates than palaeography. Nothing in these sectarian rules shows Christian influence, and the Christian movement only began about AD 30. The date of 4Q266 rests mainly on its handwriting, and that should be said.
  10. "The Psalms of Solomon were tampered with by Christians: 17:32 reads 'Christ the Lord,' as in Luke 2:11." All the manuscripts do read christos kyrios, and Atkinson thinks a Christian scribe is responsible. But the change is one letter, the same slip occurs in the Greek of Lamentations 4:20, and the corrected text still calls the king "anointed." The psalm's Davidic king, who drives out the gentiles, is not a Christian invention.
  11. "The Similitudes of Enoch prove that a divine, preexistent messiah was a Jewish idea before Jesus." They probably show such an idea around his time. They cannot show it was before him by a dated copy, because none survives from the period. And their Son of Man does not suffer.

Issues and unanswered questions

  1. The editions of record were not read for every text. The Discoveries in the Judaean Desert volumes for 1QSa (DJD I), 4Q174, 4Q175 and 4Q161 (DJD V), 4Q246 and 4Q252 (DJD XXII), 4Q259 (DJD XXVI), 4Q541 (DJD XXXI) and 4Q285 (DJD XXXVI) were not consulted directly. Their palaeographic dates are taken from Vermes, from the appendix to Jull et al. 1995, from Krajnc 2025 and from the Gabriel editors. Brian Webster's chronological index in DJD XXXIX could be searched, but its group headings could not be matched to its lists of sigla.
  2. Two key articles on 4Q285 were not read. Martin Abegg's 1994 reassessment in the Journal of Biblical Literature is on JSTOR, and Vermes's 1992 report of the Oxford seminar in the Journal of Jewish Studies is behind a paywall. Their positions are known here only through Bockmuehl, Collins and Fitzmyer.
  3. Why 4Q259 lacks the two-messiah passage is unsettled. Metso argues that 1QS added it; others hold that a scribe of 4Q259 skipped it. The DJD edition of 4Q259 and Émile Puech's 1998 article on it were not read.
  4. The date of the Similitudes is open. It ranges from Charles's 94–64 BC to Boyarin's mid-first century AD, with no copy from the period. A find of a Qumran fragment would settle it.
  5. The Bar Kokhba coin legends are taken from Yadin, Collins and Fitzmyer. Leo Mildenberg's catalogue of the coinage was not available.
  6. Hengel's claim that 4Q541 echoes Isaiah 53, which rests on Puech's edition and an essay by George Brooke, was not traced to those sources.
  7. Josephus is quoted in Whiston's 1737 English, checked against Niese's Greek for every word that matters here, but not against a modern translation.
  8. The silence calculation is a rough scale check. The twenty compositions are not independent, and no model gives a real prior for how common a suffering-messiah idea would have been.
  9. The Old Greek of Daniel 7:13, which in Rahlfs's text has the son of man come as an ancient of days (ὡς παλαιὸς ἡμερῶν), bears on whether the figure was read as divine. It belongs to the Daniel article and is not argued here.

Verdict

Jews between 200 BC and AD 135 expected an anointed king from David's line who would defeat Israel's enemies, purge Jerusalem and rule by the law.  Some groups added an anointed priest who would outrank him, a prophet like Moses or Elijah, or a heavenly judge.  This can be shown from copies made before Jesus, dated by handwriting and in several cases by radiocarbon, and it passes Test 1 and Test 3 for a list of specific scriptures:  Numbers 24, Isaiah 11, 2 Samuel 7, Amos 9, Psalm 2, Deuteronomy 18 and Isaiah 61.

No dated text before Jesus has a messiah who suffers, dies and atones.  The candidates fail on reading (4Q285, 4Q541, the self-glorification hymn, the Gabriel stone) or on date (4 Ezra, the Talmud's Messiah son of Joseph).  The most careful maximalist, Hengel, concedes that the expectation cannot be proven, and the most popular, Boyarin, concedes that he knows no evidence outside the Gospels.  A suffering messiah was not a common Jewish hope, and the surviving sources cannot show that it was even a rare one.

That result cuts both ways.  The apologist who says the Jews of Jesus's day were waiting for a suffering messiah is wrong.  The skeptic who says the first Christians borrowed a dying-and-rising messiah from their Jewish background is also wrong.  The idea of a crucified messiah appears first among the followers of a crucified man, as an answer to an event that no one had predicted for the messiah and that Paul admitted was "a stumbling block to Jews."

Sources


  1. 1.

    Collins, John J.  “The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature.”  Anchor Bible Reference Library.  New York: Doubleday.  1995.  The standard survey of Jewish messianism from about 200 BC to AD 135 by a Yale professor of Old Testament who worked on the Scroll editions.  He sorts the evidence into four types of figure and argues that the royal son of David was the common expectation, while every claimed pre-Christian suffering messiah "disappears under examination."  The article uses it as the main statement of the minimal case on suffering and the maximal case on a Davidic king.

    1. 1a.

      Page 126:  “The alleged allusions to a suffering messiah in the Scrolls disappear under examination. The Christian belief in such a figure, and discovery of prophecies relating to him, surely arose in retrospect after the passion and death of Jesus of Nazareth. There is no evidence that anyone in first-century Judaism expected such a figure, either in fulfillment of Isaiah 53 or on any other basis.” ↩ ↩

    2. 1b.

      Page 12:  “We shall find four basic messianic paradigms (king, priest, prophet, and heavenly messiah), and they were not equally widespread. … If we may accept Ed Sanders's notion of a common Judaism, in the sense of what was typical, though not necessarily normative, in the period 100 BCE–100 CE, the expectation of a Davidic messiah was surely part of it.” ↩ ↩

    3. 1c.

      Page 50:  “the death of the foreign invader “on the mountains of Egypt” (2:26). The latter passage is a transparent allusion to the death of Pompey in Egypt in 48 BCE, and the other allusions relate to Pompey’s conquest of Jerusalem in 63 BCE.” ↩

    4. 1d.

      Page 49:  “Prior to the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the only clear evidence from the last two centuries before the turn of the era for the use of the term messiah (χριστός) with reference to a future Davidic king, and indeed for the expectation of a Davidic messiah in any terms, lay in the Psalms of Solomon.” ↩

    5. 1e.

      Page 56:  “He is first of all the one who will liberate Jerusalem, and defeat and subjugate the Gentiles. He will then usher in an era of peace and reign in a kingdom marked by holiness and righteousness. This picture draws its warrants from biblical prophecy, especially Isaiah 11 and Psalm 2.” ↩

    6. 1f.

      Page 76:  “In fact, all the major rule and law books, the Community Rule, the Messianic Rule, the Damascus Document, and the War Rule, support the bifurcation of authority in the messianic era.” ↩

    7. 1g.

      Page 166:  “Since Michael or the Prince of Light is never called “Son of God,” and since there is a clear basis for applying this title to the Davidic king, whether past or future, the messianic interpretation should be preferred.” ↩

    8. 1h.

      Page 79:  “The expression … (“messiah of Aaron and Israel” or “messiahs of Aaron and Israel”) provides only a precarious foundation for any theory of messianic development.” ↩

    9. 1i.

      Page 199:  “Josephus, who is virtually our only source for popular movements in Judaism in this period, preserves no stories of priestly messianic pretenders. The ideal of a messiah of Aaron, who would take precedence over the messiah of Israel, was not a common Jewish concern, and appears to have been distinctive to sectarian circles.” ↩

    10. 1j.

      Page 118:  “In view of the introduction of a messiah in the first line of the fragment (“heaven and earth will obey his messiah”) it is likely that God acts through the agency of a prophetic messiah in line 12.” ↩

    11. 1k.

      Page 122:  “The parallel between 4Q521 and the New Testament text is intriguing since both go beyond Isaiah 61 in referring to the raising of the dead. This can hardly be coincidental.” ↩

    12. 1l.

      Page 143:  “This figure is also called “messiah” in the Similitudes (1 Enoch 48:10), but he is a heavenly preexistent figure, rather than an exalted human king.” ↩

    13. 1m.

      Page 177:  “The date of this document has been controversial, especially since no fragment of it has been found at Qumran. Absence from Qumran, however, does not require a date after 70 CE. … It is doubtful whether a Jewish author would have made such explicit use of the expression “Son of Man” for a messianic figure after that phrase had been appropriated by the Christians. … Since the Similitudes make no allusion to the fall of Jerusalem, a date prior to that event seems most likely.” ↩

    14. 1n.

      Page 148:  “The High Priest of the War Scroll is de facto the eschatological High Priest or Messiah of Aaron. While our canticle was not necessarily composed for this context, this placement is highly compatible with the view that the implied speaker is the eschatological priest/teacher.” ↩

    15. 1o.

      Page 200:  “It is not clear what passage in the Scriptures Josephus had in mind.” ↩

    16. 1p.

      Page 13:  “Attempts to find precedents in the Scrolls for a suffering or dying messiah have, I believe, been misguided.” ↩

    17. 1q.

      Page 123:  “The view that Isa 52:13-53:12 was interpreted with reference to a suffering messiah by some Jews before the rise of Christianity is associated above all with Joachim Jeremias. Subsequent scholarship has largely moved away from that position”. ↩

    18. 1r.

      Page 59:  “In view of the association with Isaiah 11, where the shoot of Jesse will strike the earth with the rod of his mouth and kill the wicked with the breath of his lips, it seems beyond reasonable doubt that the Prince/Branch is the subject of the verb to kill, not its object.” ↩

    19. 1s.

      Page 125:  “The figure described in 4Q541 is said to atone for the children of his generation. The obvious implication is that he is a priest and makes atonement by means of the sacrificial cult. He does not atone by his suffering and death, as is the case with Isaiah’s servant. … Finally the figure in this passage undergoes suffering, but it is mental anguish, brought on by lies and calumnies, and so is of quite a different sort from the suffering described in Isaiah 53.” ↩

    20. 1t.

      Page 125:  “If we may assume, however, that the text does refer to crucifixion, there is still no question of a messianic figure being crucified. Rather, the person addressed in the text is told not to afflict the weak by crucifixion.” ↩

    21. 1u.

      Page 124:  “Third, in the late-first-century CE apocalypses of 4 Ezra and 2 Baruch, the messiah dies. His death, however, does not involve suffering and has no atoning significance. In 4 Ezra 7:29-30 the death of the messiah marks the end of a four-hundred-year reign and is the prelude to seven days of primeval silence, followed by resurrection.” ↩

    22. 1v.

      Page 199:  “He does not attribute any messianic claims to these figures. It may be that he “studiously avoids” such language, as Horsley suggests, and that they really were messianic pretenders, but we have no real evidence of their aspirations.” ↩

    23. 1w.

      Page 124:  “In the case of Isaiah 52-53, however, the targum systematically subverts the references to the suffering of the servant. … There is still no evidence for a Jewish interpretation of Isaiah 53 in terms of a suffering messiah.” ↩

    24. 1x.

      Page 124:  “The Son of Man figure in the Similitudes of Enoch, who will concern us in a later chapter, is called “the light of the nations” in 1 Enoch 48:4. The same phrase is used of the servant of the Lord in Isa 42:6; 49:6. … But the Son of Man is not a suffering figure, and carries no allusions to the notion of vicarious suffering as found in Isaiah 53.” ↩

    25. 1y.

      Page 59:  “which has been variously translated as “they will put to death the Leader of the Community, the Bran[ch of David],” or “the Prince of the Congregation, the Bran[ch of David] will kill him.””  The first rendering is Eisenman and Wise's. ↩

    26. 1z.

      Page 123:  “Jean Starcky, however, claimed to find “a suffering messiah, in the perspective opened up by the Servant poems” in 4Q541 (4QAaronA), and the claim has been endorsed by Emile Puech.” ↩

  2. 2.

    Hengel, Martin, and Daniel P. Bailey.  “The Effective History of Isaiah 53 in the Pre-Christian Period.”  The Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 in Jewish and Christian Sources, 75–146.  Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.  Translated by Daniel P. Bailey.  Edited by Bernd Janowski and Peter Stuhlmacher.  2004.  The fullest scholarly case that Isaiah 53 shaped Jewish hopes for a suffering, atoning figure before Jesus, by a leading German historian of early Judaism and Christianity.  It surveys Daniel 11–12, the Septuagint, 4Q541, the Testament of Benjamin and the self-glorification hymn, and ends by conceding that the case cannot be proven.

    1. 2a.

      Page 140:  “The expectation of an eschatological suffering savior figure connected with Isaiah 53 cannot therefore be proven to exist with absolute certainty and in a clearly outlined form in pre-Christian Judaism. Nevertheless, a lot of indices that must be taken seriously in texts of very different provenance suggest that these types of expectations could also have existed at the margins, next to many others.” ↩ ↩ ↩

    2. 2b.

      Page 76:  “Might these “effects” not rather be mainly the product of the wishful thinking of a few conservative exegetes? … Yet the wish of so-called critical interpreters to reject this kind of tradition history from the start before examining the complex details of the case is no less suspect. Historical reality never follows our wishes.” ↩

    3. 2c.

      Page 76:  “Nevertheless, the demonstrated uses and echoes of this text are enough to suggest that traditions of suffering and atoning eschatological messianic figures were current in Palestinian Judaism, and that Jesus and the earliest Church could have known and appealed to them.” ↩

    4. 2d.

      Page 118:  “For Puech — and we can hardly contradict him here, despite all the remaining uncertainties — our text contains “the first and oldest midrashic exploitation of the Servant Songs of Isaiah interpreted in terms of an individual, in a current of Palestinian Judaism which more or less dates from the second century B.C.E. at the latest.”” ↩

    5. 2e.

      Page 138:  “In you [Joseph] will be fulfilled the heavenly prophecy which says that the spotless one will be defiled by lawless men and the sinless one will die for the sake of impious men.”  Hengel's translation of the Armenian version of Testament of Benjamin 3:8. ↩

    6. 2f.

      Page 77:  “We even find a Messiah ben Joseph or Messiah from Ephraim who ultimately dies, though in the background stands not Isaiah 53 but rather Zechariah 12:10-14 (in addition to Deut. 33:16-17); see the Baraita in b. Sukkot 52a. … But since a pre-Christian origin of this idea is only possible, not provable, we must leave it to one side for the moment”. ↩ ↩

    7. 2g.

      Page 140:  “Baillet entitled our particular text “The Song of Michael and of the Just.””  Of 4Q491 fragment 11 column i, published by Maurice Baillet in Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 7 (1982). ↩

  3. 3.

    Popović, Mladen et al.  “Dating ancient manuscripts using radiocarbon and AI-based writing style analysis.”  PLOS One 20(6):e0323185.  2025.  A Groningen-led team took new radiocarbon dates from Dead Sea Scrolls and other Judean manuscripts, after chemically removing modern oils and consolidants, and used 24 of the dated samples to train a handwriting-dating program.  Three of the messianic texts discussed here, 4Q161, 4Q521 and 4Q541, were among the samples, as was 4Q259, a copy of the Community Rule.  The dates are in the supplementary appendices.

    1. 3a.

      Section S2 Appendix, Table S1:  “4Q161 (4QpIsaa ) 2028 18 45 BCE–10 CE 55 BCE–30 CE,”.  Section S4 Appendix:  “the 2σ calibrated range for another specimen of the Herodian round semiformal, 4Q161, is 55 BCE–30 CE (92.1%)”.  The columns are the radiocarbon age, 2028 ± 18 years before present, then the 68 % range and the 95 % range.  Two minor peaks, 90–80 BC and AD 45–60, carry 1.7 % each. ↩ ↩

    2. 3b.

      Page 10:  “First, 14 C date ranges and Enoch’s style-based estimates are overall older than previous palaeographic estimates. These older dates for the scrolls are realistic. Hasmonaean-type manuscripts have accepted 2𝜎 calibrated ranges that allow for older dates in the first half of the second century BCE, and sometimes slightly earlier, instead of only circa 150–50 BCE. … Second, ‘Herodian’ script emerged earlier than previously thought.” ↩

    3. 3c.

      Section S4 Appendix, section S4.1.1:  “This manuscript was also radiocarbon dated in the 1990s [18]. That BP date (1984 ± 33) now has to be recalibrated according to the IntCal20 calibration curve ( [20]), which results in a 2σ date range of 45 BCE–120 CE. According to the bimodal evidence of our study, the younger 2σ calibrated range is 230–100 BCE (57.5%), while the older peak in the 2σ range of 355–285 BCE (38.0%) can be rejected as a possible solution due to comparative typological evidence from date-bearing Aramaic manuscripts from that period. The difference in age between the two radiocarbon tests may be due to the Soxhlet procedure cleaning castor oil from the sample, but it is not possible to quantify or ascertain that. The palaeographic estimate of 100–80 BCE and our 2σ calibrated range of 230–100 BCE connect in the year 100 BCE.”  Section S2 Appendix, section S2.7.4:  “Samples 4Q521 and Mur19 were characterized by the presence of an acrylic resin.” ↩

    4. 3d.

      Section S4 Appendix, section S4.1.1:  “4Q259 has a 2σ calibrated range of 210–100 BCE (69.7%) and a minor peak of 70–55 BCE (1.4%).”  The study rejects an older peak, 350–310 BC, on palaeographic grounds. ↩

    5. 3e.

      Section S2 Appendix, Table S1:  “4Q541 … 2148 22 … 345–320, 205–150 BCE … 355–300, 210–95, 75–55 BCE”.  The radiocarbon age, 2148 ± 22 years before present, with the 68 % and 95 % calibrated ranges. ↩

  4. 4.

    García Martínez, Florentino, and Eibert J. C. Tigchelaar.  The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition.  Leiden: Brill.  1999.  The standard two-volume edition of the non-biblical Scrolls, with the Hebrew or Aramaic on each left-hand page and the editors' English opposite.  Square brackets mark letters the editors restore where the leather is lost, so a reader can see which words actually survive.  The article quotes its English for every Scroll passage unless another edition is named.

    1. 4a.

      Pages 91–93, section 1QS col. IX, lines 9–11:  “They should not depart from any counsel of the law in order to walk in complete stubbornness of their heart, but instead shall be ruled by the first directives which the men of the Community began to be taught until the prophet comes, and the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel.” ↩ ↩

    2. 4b.

      Page 317, section 4Q161 frags. 8–10 col. iii, lines 18–25:  “[The interpretation of the word concerns the shoot] of David which will sprout in the fi[nal days, since] 19 [with the breath of his lips he will execute] his [ene]my and God will support him with [the spirit of c]ourage […] 20 [… thro]ne of glory, h[oly] crown and multi-colour[ed] vestments 21 […] in his hand. He will rule over all the pe[ople]s and Magog 22 […] his sword will judge [al]l the peoples. … 24 […] and according to what they teach him, he will judge, and upon their authority 25 […] with him will go out one of the priests of renown”. ↩

    3. 4c.

      Page 353, section 4Q174 frags. 1–3 col. i, lines 10–13:  “2 Sam 7:12-14 «he will build you a house. I will raise up your seed after you and establish the throne of his kingdom 11 [for ev]er. I will be a father to him and he will be a son to me.» This (refers to the) «branch of David», who will arise with the Interpreter of the law who 12 [will rise up] in Zi[on in] the [l]ast days, as it is written: Amos 9:11 «I will raise up the hut of David which has fallen», This (refers to) «the hut of 13 David which has fall[en»”. ↩

    4. 4d.

      Page 107, section 1QSb col. V, lines 20–28:  “20 Blank Of the Instructor. To bless the prince of the congregation, who […]”  Page 109:  “With your sceptre may you lay waste the earth. With the breath of your lips 25 may you kill the wicked. … For God has raised you to a sceptre 28 for the rulers be[fore you … all the na]tions will serve you”. ↩

    5. 4e.

      Page 561, section CD-A col. VII, lines 18–21:  “And the star is the Interpreter of the law, 19 who will come to Damascus, as is written: Num 24:13 «A star moves out of Jacob, and a sceptre arises 20 out of Israel». The sceptre is the prince of the whole congregation and when he rises he will destroy 21 all the sons of Seth.”  The text quoted is Numbers 24:17;  the edition's text as read here labels it 24:13. ↩

    6. 4f.

      Page 587, section 4Q266 frag. 3 col. iii, lines 18–22:  “The sceptre is the [pr]ince [of the wh]ole [congregation and when he rises] 22 [he will destroy] all the sons of Seth.”  A Cave 4 copy of the Damascus Document, so the sentence is not a medieval addition to the Cairo Genizah manuscripts. ↩

    7. 4g.

      Page 505, section 4Q252 col. V, lines 1–5:  “1 […] Gen 49:10 The sceptre shall [no]t depart from the tribe of Judah. While Israel has the dominion, 2 there [will not] be cut off someone who sits on the throne of David. … Until the messiah of righteousness comes, the branch 4 of David. For to him and to his descendants has been given the covenant of the kingship of his people for everlasting generations”. ↩

    8. 4h.

      Page 495, section 4Q246 col. II, lines 1–4:  “1 He will be called son of God, and they will call him son of the Most High. Like the sparks 2 that you saw, so will their kingdom be; they will rule several year[s] over 3 the earth and crush everything; a people will crush another people, and a province another provi[n]ce. 4 Blank Until the people of God arises and makes everyone rest from the sword.” ↩

    9. 4i.

      Page 571, section CD-A col. XII, line 23:  “until there arises the ‹messiah› of Aaron”.  Page 577, section CD-B col. XIX, lines 10–11:  “when there comes the messiah 11 of Aaron and Israel”.  Page 579, section CD-B col. XX, line 1:  “until there arises the messiah out of Aaron and Israel”.  The other occurrence is CD-A col. XIV, line 19.  The angled brackets in col. XII mark the editors' correction of the manuscript's spelling. ↩

    10. 4j.

      Page 595, section 4Q266 frag. 10 col. i, lines 11–13:  “This is the exact interpretation 12 [of the regulations by which they shall be r]uled until the rise of the messiah of Aaron and Israel. 13 [And their iniquity will be atoned through meal] and sin-offerings”. ↩

    11. 4k.

      Page 103, section 1QSa col. II, lines 11–21:  “when [God] begets 12 the Messiah with them: [the] chief [priest] of all the congregation of Israel shall enter … Afterwar[ds,] the Messiah of Israel [shall str]etch out his hands 21 towards the bread.” ↩

    12. 4l.

      Page 357, section 4Q175, lines 1–20:  “5 Deut 18:18-19 «I would raise up for them a prophet from among their brothers, like you, and place my words 6 in his mouth, and he would tell them all that I command him. … A star has departed from Jacob, and a sceptre /has arisen/ from Israel. He shall crush 13 the temples of Moab, and cut to pieces all the sons of Sheth.» Blank 14 And about Levi he says: Deut 33:8-11 «Give to Levi your Thummim and your Urim, to your pious man”. ↩

    13. 4m.

      Page 745, section 4Q377 frag. 1 recto col. ii, line 5:  “all the la[ws of y]hwh by the mouth of Moses his anointed one”. ↩

    14. 4n.

      Page 1045, section 4Q521 frags. 2 col. ii, lines 1 and 11–12:  “1 [for the heav]ens and the earth will listen to his anointed one, … 11 And the Lord will perform marvellous acts such as have not existed, just as he sa[id,] 12 [for] he will heal the badly wounded and will make the dead live, he will proclaim good news to the poor”. ↩

    15. 4o.

      Page 1209, section 11Q13 col. II, line 18:  “And the messenger i[s] the anointed of the spir[it] as Dan[iel] said [about him: Dan 9:25 «Until an anointed, a prince, it is seven weeks.»”.  Everything inside the square brackets is the editors' restoration. ↩

    16. 4p.

      Page 981, section 4Q491c frag. 1, lines 5–7:  “a mighty throne in the congregation of the gods above which none of the kings of the East shall sit, and their nobles no[t …] … I am counted among the gods and my dwelling is in the holy congregation”. ↩

    17. 4q.

      Page 643, section 4Q285 frag. 5, lines 3–5:  “3 […] the bud of David. And they will go into battle Blank with […] 4 […] and the Prince of the Congregation will kill him, the bu[d of David …] 5 […] and with wounds. And [the High] Priest will command”.  The edition numbers this fragment 5;  later editions number it 7. ↩

    18. 4r.

      Page 1081, section 4Q541 frag. 9 col. i, lines 2–6:  “And he will atone for all the children of his generation, and he will be sent to all the children of 3 his [people]. His word is like the word of the heavens, and his teaching, according to the will of God. … They will utter many words against him, and an abundance of 6 [lie]s; they will fabricate fables against him, and utter every kind of disparagement against him.” ↩

    19. 4s.

      Page 981, section 4Q491c frag. 1, lines 8–9:  “[W]ho has been considered despicable on my account? And who is comparable to me in my glory? Who, like the sailors, will come back and tell? 9 […] Who bea[rs all] sorrows like me? And who [suffe]rs evil like me? There is no-one.” ↩

  5. 5.

    Josephus, Flavius.  Antiquitates Judaicae (Greek text).  Berlin: Weidmann.  Edited by Benedikt Niese.  1892.  The standard Greek text of Josephus's Jewish Antiquities, written about AD 93–94, in the Perseus Digital Library's encoding.  The article searched the whole text for every word built on the root of christos, "anointed."

    1. 5a.

      Book 18, section 63:  “ὁ χριστὸς οὗτος ἦν”.  Book 20, section 200:  “τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰησοῦ τοῦ λεγομένου Χριστοῦ, Ἰάκωβος ὄνομα αὐτῷ”.  A search of the Greek of the Antiquities finds four words from this root:  these two, "Christians" at 18.64, and 8.137, where the word means "plastered."  The Jewish War, searched the same way in Niese's text, has none.  The first passage, 18.63, belongs to the disputed Testimonium Flavianum. ↩ ↩

  6. 6.

    Fitzmyer, Joseph A.  The One Who Is to Come.  Grand Rapids: Eerdmans.  2007.  A history of the word "messiah" from the Old Testament to the Talmud by a Jesuit New Testament scholar and Aramaic specialist who published several of the Qumran texts.  He argues that messianism in the strict sense, an anointed agent expected at the end of days, appears only in the second century BC, and that no Jewish text before or beside the New Testament has a suffering messiah.

    1. 6a.

      Page 178:  ““Jerusalem Talmud,” dated roughly A.D. 450; and … “Babylonian Talmud,” dated roughly A.D. 550.”  The Hebrew titles and their transliterations are omitted. ↩ ↩ ↩

    2. 6b.

      Page 150:  “The targum, as an Aramaic translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, was composed to record a fixed tradition of interpretation, a written record dating in general from the Amoraic period.”  Page 151:  “Onqelos, which may stem originally from the mid-third century, and which is usually regarded as the official or authoritative targum of the Mosaic Law. The other three pentateuchal targums, Fragmentary Targum, Targum Neofiti 1, and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, in their final form all date from considerably later times.” ↩

    3. 6c.

      Page 89:  “Here one finds an affirmation of the community’s expectation of three coming figures: a prophet (undoubtedly a prophet like Moses, an allusion to Deut 18:15, 18), a (priestly) Messiah of Aaron, and a (kingly) Messiah of Israel, who are all to be God’s agents for the deliverance of His people.” ↩

    4. 6d.

      Page 97:  “That, however, is far from clear, because line 3 ends with vacat, and the subject of lines 4-14 is rather “the Lord” (אדני). Hence they are deeds that the Lord will accomplish in the time of His Messiah.” ↩

    5. 6e.

      Page 141:  “In the Old Testament one reads about the Suffering Servant in the Fourth Servant Song (Isa 52:13-53:12), which per se has no messianic connotation, even though subsequent references to the Song in the developing Jewish tradition so interpret it, but nothing is read about a suffering Messiah. Even in the Similitudes of 1 Enoch, where there is the oldest messianic interpretation of the Servant, no mention is made of a suffering Son of Man or a suffering Messiah.”  Page 142:  “The idea of a suffering Messiah, however, is found nowhere in the Old Testament or in any Jewish literature prior to or contemporaneous with the New Testament. It is a Christian conception that goes beyond the Jewish messianic tradition.” ↩ ↩

    6. 6f.

      Page 104:  “Theoretically … could be taken as a 3rd person plur. form (wĕhēmîtû), “and they shall put to death (the Prince of the Congregation),” as Eisenman and Wise understood it (The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered, 29). Such a reading of the text, however, would normally demand את, the particle marking a definite direct object, which is missing. Yet such a reading does not cope with the context”.  Note 94.  The Hebrew verb is omitted at the ellipsis. ↩

    7. 6g.

      Page 113:  “But nowhere in the text does he claim to be an anointed figure, and משיח does not appear in it”.  “Yet Knohl claims that the text speaks of a royal Messiah”.  “Although such an interpretation may be possible, little of it is probable, and none of it is certain”. ↩ ↩ ↩

    8. 6h.

      Page 112:  “The story of this Messiah, reconstructed from the hymns, the Oracle of Hystaspes, Revelation 13, details from the life of Caesar Augustus, and Virgil’s Fourth Eclogue, shows that he is none other than Menahem the Essene, known from Josephus as a friend of Herod.”  Fitzmyer is summarising Knohl's argument. ↩

    9. 6i.

      Page 63:  “In any case, the words … “an Anointed One shall be cut down with no one to help him” (9:26a; cf. 11:45), cannot refer to the same Anointed One of 9:25, because the Anointed One of v. 26 appears later, “after sixty-two weeks,” and that undoubtedly means the already mentioned Onias III. That he is the one meant by “an Anointed One shall be cut down” (9:26) is commonly admitted by commentators today”.  The Hebrew of the phrase is omitted at the ellipsis. ↩

    10. 6j.

      Page 147:  “It was codified or put in writing eventually under Rabbi Judah the Prince ca. A.D. 200-220.” ↩

    11. 6k.

      Section Preface:  “The title of this book is taken from the question that John the Baptist’s disciples ask of Jesus of Nazareth, “Are you the one who is to come?” (Matt 11:3; Luke 7:19)”. ↩

  7. 7.

    Yadin, Yigael.  Bar-Kokhba: The Rediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Second Jewish Revolt against Rome.  New York: Random House.  1971.  A popular account by the Israeli archaeologist who led the 1960–61 expedition that found Simon bar Kosiba's letters in the Cave of Letters at Nahal Hever.  It quotes the letters and coins directly.

    1. 7a.

      Page 15:  “‘Shimeon Bar Kosiba, President over Israel’”.  Page 124:  “Not one letter is signed by Shimeon bar Kosiba personally.”  The first quotation is the opening line of a wooden letter, as Yadin read it aloud to Israel's president in 1960.  The Hebrew title is nasi, which other writers translate "prince." ↩ ↩

  8. 8.

    “Hazon Gabriel: New Readings of the Gabriel Revelation.”  Early Judaism and Its Literature 29.  Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature.  Edited by Matthias Henze.  2011.  The conference volume on the Gabriel Revelation, an 87-line Hebrew text written in ink on a stone about a metre high.  It gathers the first editors' text, a rival edition, Israel Knohl's revised reading, and responses by John and Adela Yarbro Collins and others, so that each side of the dispute can be read in its own words.

    1. 8a.

      Page 109:  “The most plausible explanation remains that the idea of a dying messiah took hold after the defeat of Bar Kokhba, in the second century c.e. … There is certainly no hint of the expectation of such a figure in the surviving Jewish literature from the period before Bar Kokhba.”  John J. Collins, "Gabriel and David: Some Reflections on an Enigmatic Text," pp. 99–112. ↩ ↩

    2. 8b.

      Page xi:  “The stele, which measures about one by three feet, is owned by Dr. David Jeselsohn, a private antiquities collector from Zurich, Switzerland, who had acquired the stone a decade earlier from an antiquities dealer in Jordan.”  “the Jordanian antiquities dealer, who has since passed away, was unable to provide exact information about the provenance of the stele.”  Henze's preface. ↩

    3. 8c.

      Page 25:  “The script of this text is a “Jewish” formal hand, typical of the Herodian period, written by a professional scribe. … The script may be securely dated to about the late first century b.c.e. or the early first century c.e.”  Ada Yardeni and Binyamin Elizur, "A Hebrew Prophetic Text on Stone from the Early Herodian Period," pp. 11–29. ↩

    4. 8d.

      Page 5:  “there was no indication of modern treatment of the surface of the stone.”  Page xii:  “None of the experts who have examined the text has concluded that the stone is a forgery.”  The first quotation is Goren's finding as reported by the stone's owner, David Jeselsohn;  the second is Henze's preface. ↩

    5. 8e.

      Page 4:  “In line 80 of the inscription, Knohl read after the words “in three days” the word חאיה, meaning “come to life,” or “be resurrected.” He interpreted the word as the angel Gabriel’s call to the killed Messiah, who was the Messiah son of Joseph, to come back to life, that is, to be resurrected three days after his death. Yardeni and Elizur could read with certainty only the first letter of the word, namely, the letter ח.”  David Jeselsohn, "The Jeselsohn Stone: Discovery and Publication," pp. 1–10. ↩

    6. 8f.

      Page 36:  “In three days the sign will be (given). I am Gabriel”.  Elisha Qimron and Alexey Yuditsky, "Notes on the So-Called Gabriel Vision Inscription," pp. 31–38, their translation of line 80. ↩

    7. 8g.

      Page 43:  “I now accept the reading האות (“the sign”) of the third word of line 80. This reading was first suggested by Ronald Hendel, “The Messiah Son of Joseph. Simply ‘Sign,’” BAR 35 (2009): 8; and Yuditsky and Qimron (“Notes,” 140–41). In my previous publications, I have argued for the reading חאיה (“live”). I still maintain that the reading חאיה (“live”) is possible graphically. Yet the inner connections between lines 17–21 and line 80 support the reading האות (“the sign”).”  Israel Knohl, "The Apocalyptic and Messianic Dimensions of the Gabriel Revelation in Their Historical Context," pp. 39–60, note 12. ↩

    8. 8h.

      Page 44:  “This human being, probably an earthly leader of Israel, was killed and was not buried properly.”  Page 47:  “It is thus possible that the Gabriel Revelation was composed shortly after 4 BCE, against the backdrop of the crushing of the revolt.”  Israel Knohl's chapter. ↩

    9. 8i.

      Page 108:  “From this perusal of the reconstructions of the text that have been offered to date, it is clear that many of the readings are uncertain, and that only a very elliptic text is available to us. … It is apparent that the Davidic Messiah has a role to play in this eschatological drama”.  John J. Collins's chapter. ↩

  9. 9.

    Jull, A. J. Timothy et al.  “Radiocarbon Dating of Scrolls and Linen Fragments from the Judean Desert.”  Radiocarbon 37(1):11–19.  1995.  The University of Arizona accelerator laboratory's dates for 18 scrolls and 2 linen fragments, set beside each scroll's palaeographic date.  It includes the Community Rule 1QS, two copies of the Damascus Document and the Messianic Apocalypse 4Q521.

    1. 9a.

      Page 14, table 2:  “DSS-8 4Q521 … 35 BC-AD 59 … 2σ: 93 BC-AD 80”.  The laboratory's one-sigma and two-sigma calibrated ranges.  The 2025 re-test recalibrates the same measurement to 45 BC–AD 120. ↩

    2. 9b.

      Page 18, section Appendix 1, DSS-8:  “"Cette écriture se placerait assez bien après celle de 1QIsa et 1QS, dans le premier quart du 1er s., entre 100 et 80" (Puech 1992: 480).”  Puech's palaeographic date, quoted in French in the appendix:  the hand falls "in the first quarter of the first century, between 100 and 80." ↩

    3. 9c.

      Page 14, table 2:  “DSS-4 1QS … 2041 ± 68 159 BC-AD 20 … 2σ: … 206 BC-AD 111 (98%)”.  Page 18, section Appendix 1, DSS-4:  “As we have seen, it belongs to a special semi-formal tradition of the Jewish script, a Hasmonean exemplar of this style from about 100-75 B.C.”  The appendix quotes Frank Moore Cross (1972).  The sample came from column XI of the scroll. ↩

    4. 9d.

      Page 14, table 2:  “DSS-1 4Q266 … 1954 ± 38 AD 5-80 2σ: 45 BC-AD 120 100-50 BC”.  Page 18, section Appendix 1, DSS-1:  “The writing is in a semi-cursive Hasmonean hand which in Cross’ paleographic sequence may be dated to the first half of the first century B.C.E.”  The appendix quotes Joseph Baumgarten (1992), the editor of the Cave 4 copies of the Damascus Document. ↩

  10. 10.

    Atkinson, Kenneth.  “Psalms of Salomon.”  A New English Translation of the Septuagint.  New York: Oxford University Press.  Edited by Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright.  2007.  The NETS translation of the Psalms of Solomon by a specialist on the book, with an introduction on its manuscripts, its Greek text and the Christian scribes who copied it.  Mirror:  Archive.org

    1. 10a.

      Page 763:  “PsSal is also extant in five Syriac manuscripts”.  Page 764:  “In manuscript 253 (XI/XII CE), which contains the best and earliest text”.  The introduction also counts "PsSal’s eleven Greek manuscripts" on page 763. ↩

    2. 10b.

      Page 774, verse 17:21–24:  “See, O Lord, and raise up for them their king, the son of Dauid, at the time which you chose, O God, to rule over Israel your servant. And gird him with strength to shatter in pieces unrighteous rulers, to purify Ierousalem from nations that trample her down in destruction, in wisdom of righteousness, to drive out sinners from the inheritance, to smash the arrogance of the sinner like a potter’s vessel, to shatter all their substance with an iron rod, to destroy the lawless nations by the word of his mouth”. ↩

    3. 10c.

      Page 775, verse 17:32:  “And he shall be a righteous king, taught by God, over them, and there shall be no injustice in his days in their midst, for all shall be holy, and their king the anointed of the Lord.” ↩

    4. 10d.

      Page 763:  “In one instance (17.32), Rahlfs adopted the suggestion first proposed in 1870 by A. Carrière … that χριστὸς κύριος, which is preserved in all of PsSal’s manuscripts, should be emended to χριστὸς κυρίου.”  Page 764:  “In 17.32, for example, the original genitive κυρίου was likely erroneously rendered as a nominative by a later Christian scribe resulting in two anarthrous nominatives (χριστὸς κύριος). This same reading is also found in the LXX of Lam 4.20.” ↩

  11. 11.

    Boyarin, Daniel.  The Jewish Gospels: The Story of the Jewish Christ.  New York: The New Press.  2012.  A short book by a Berkeley professor of Talmudic culture, an observant Jew who does not accept Jesus.  It argues that a divine Son of Man and a suffering messiah were Jewish ideas before Jesus, reading the Similitudes of Enoch, the Gospel of Mark and later rabbinic texts.  The article uses it as the most widely read statement of the maximal case, and quotes its own endnotes on the limits of the evidence.

    1. 11a.

      Page 74:  “Fragments of them have been found at Qumran (among the Dead Sea Scrolls), except for the Similitudes, and fragments are known from various Greek sources as well. Present opinion is almost entirely solid that the Book of the Watchers is the oldest bit of Enoch (third century B.C.) and the Similitudes, our present concern, the youngest, dating from the mid-first century A.D.” ↩ ↩

    2. 11b.

      Page 132:  “This commonplace view has to be rejected completely. The notion of the humiliated and suffering Messiah was not at all alien within Judaism before Jesus’ advent, and it remained current among Jews well into the future following that—indeed, well into the early modern period.” ↩

    3. 11c.

      Page 133:  “Jews, it seems, had no difficulty whatever with understanding a Messiah who would vicariously suffer to redeem the world.” ↩

    4. 11d.

      Page 186:  “I do not know early evidence outside of the Gospels for this particular way of reading the Daniel material as applying to a suffering Messiah, still less to a dying and rising one”.  An endnote to chapter 4. ↩

    5. 11e.

      Page 134:  “This point of the “Jewishness” of the vicarious sufferings of the Messiah can be established in two ways: first by showing how the Gospels use perfectly traditional, midrashic ways of reasoning to develop these ideas and apply them to Jesus, and second, by demonstrating how common the idea of a suffering and dying Messiah was among perfectly “orthodox” rabbinic Jews from the time of the Talmud and onward.” ↩

  12. 12.

    Vermes, Geza.  The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English.  London: Penguin.  1998.  The most widely read English translation of the Scrolls, by an Oxford Jewish-studies scholar who took part in the 1991 seminar on 4Q285.  Each text has a short introduction giving its date and Vermes's view of its meaning.

    1. 12a.

      Page 493:  “Originating from Cave 4 (4Q174) and known also as ‘Florilegium’, the composition was edited by J. M. Allegro (DJD, V, 53-7); it probably belongs to the late first century BCE.” ↩

    2. 12b.

      Page 576:  “I see in the ‘son of God’ of 4Q246 neither Flusser’s Antichrist, nor the straight historical individual of the Milik-Puech”.  Page 577:  “variety, but the last historico-apocalyptic sovereign of the ultimate world empire who, like his model, Antiochus Epiphanes in Dan. xi, 36-7, is expected to proclaim himself and be worshipped as a god.” ↩

    3. 12c.

      Page 576:  “Milik advanced a historical theory, associating the title with the Seleucid ruler, Alexander Balas. Fitzmyer, in turn, considered him to be a Jewish, possibly Hasmonaean, king, but allowed for a ‘messianic undertone’ in the use of ‘son of God’. On the other hand, David Flusser opted for a strictly apocalyptic meaning, and claimed that the idioms referred to the Antichrist. Still apocalyptically, but in a positive sense, F. García Martínez argued in favour of an angelic identity, the ‘son of God’ being either the heavenly Melchizedek or Michael, the Prince of Light.” ↩

    4. 12d.

      Page 87:  “phrase is absent, however, from all the extant 4Q manuscripts of the Community Rule.”  The phrase is "the Prophet and the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel," quoted on the preceding page. ↩

    5. 12e.

      Page 495:  “This short document from Cave 4 (4Q175), dating to the early first century BCE and similar in literary style to the Christian Testimonia or collections of messianic proof-texts, includes five quotations arranged in four groups.” ↩

    6. 12f.

      Page 500:  “A striking first-century BCE document, composed of thirteen fragments from Cave 11 and centred on the mysterious figure of Melchizedek, was first published by A. S. van der Woude in 1965.” ↩

    7. 12g.

      Page 187:  “Fragment 5, erroneously labelled by some as the ‘Pierced Messiah fragment’, is based on an interpretation of Isa. x, 34-xi, 1, and should be read in connection with 4Q161, frs. 8-10, an Isaiah Commentary from Cave 4, and the Blessing of the Prince of the Congregation (1QSb v, 20-29)”. ↩

  13. 13.

    Krajnc, Aljaž.  “Aramaic Daniel Apocryphon (4Q246): Its Interpretative Challenges Reconsidered.”  Bogoslovni vestnik 85(3):603–620.  2025.  A recent review of the readings of 4Q246, with a fresh transcription and translation, by a Ljubljana biblical scholar.  It summarises the palaeographic dating and the history of the dispute over who the "son of God" is.

    1. 13a.

      Page 606:  “The text is written in the Herodian style, named after King Herod the Great, as numerous Hebrew and Aramaic documents from his reign are written in this style. Milik’s dating of the text’s writing to the last third of the 1st century BC was accepted by most scholars (Puech 1996, 166; Machiela 2023, 254) and was not questioned.” ↩

  14. 14.

    Metso, Sarianna.  “The Serekh Texts.”  Library of Second Temple Studies 62.  London: T & T Clark.  2007.  A short handbook on the Community Rule and its Cave 4 copies by the scholar whose 1997 study of the rule's textual development set the terms of the debate.  It compares the manuscripts passage by passage.

    1. 14a.

      Page 13:  “In 4QS^e the passage parallel to 1QS VIII.15b–IX.11 is not present. An argument can be made that the passage is a secondary insertion in 1QS consisting of three smaller interpolations (Metso 1993: 304-305).” ↩

  15. 15.

    Schechter, Solomon.  Documents of Jewish Sectaries, vol. 1: Fragments of a Zadokite Work.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.  1910.  The first edition of the Damascus Document, from two medieval manuscripts that Schechter found in the Cairo Genizah, published 37 years before the first Dead Sea Scrolls were discovered.

    1. 15a.

      Page ix:  “The MS. probably dates from the 10th century.”  Page x:  “It is undoubtedly of a later date than Text A (perhaps the 11th or 12th century)”. ↩

  16. 16.

    Wright, Benjamin G.  “Sirach.”  A New English Translation of the Septuagint.  New York: Oxford University Press.  Edited by Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright.  2007.  The NETS translation of the Wisdom of Ben Sira, written in Hebrew about 180 BC and translated into Greek by the author's grandson after 132 BC.  Mirror:  Archive.org

    1. 16a.

      Page 759, verse 48:10:  “He who was recorded ready for the times, to calm anger before wrath, to turn the heart of a father to a son and to restore the tribes of Iakob.” ↩

  17. 17.

    eBible.org.  World English Bible.  2020.  A public-domain modern English translation of the Bible, quoted for New Testament verses.

    1. 17a.

      Verse 1 Corinthians 1:23:  “but we preach Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and foolishness to Greeks,”. ↩ ↩

    2. 17b.

      Verse Numbers 24:7:  “Water shall flow from his buckets. His seed shall be in many waters. His king shall be higher than Agag. His kingdom shall be exalted.”  Verse Numbers 24:17:  “A star will come out of Jacob. A scepter will rise out of Israel, and shall strike through the corners of Moab, and crush all the sons of Sheth.” ↩

    3. 17c.

      Verse Daniel 12:3:  “Those who are wise will shine as the brightness of the expanse. Those who turn many to righteousness will shine as the stars forever and ever.” ↩

    4. 17d.

      Verse Luke 7:22:  “Jesus answered them, “Go and tell John the things which you have seen and heard: that the blind receive their sight, the lame walk, the lepers are cleansed, the deaf hear, the dead are raised up, and the poor have good news preached to them.” ↩

  18. 18.

    Charles, R. H.  The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch, Translated from the Editor's Ethiopic Text.  Oxford: Clarendon Press.  2nd edition.  1912.  The classic English translation of 1 Enoch from the Ethiopic, with Charles's introduction dating each section.  His early date for the Similitudes is now a minority view.

    1. 18a.

      Verse 48:10:  “For they have denied the Lord of Spirits and His Anointed.”  Verse 52:4:  “All these things which thou hast seen shall serve the dominion of His Anointed that he may be potent and mighty on the earth.” ↩

    2. 18b.

      Section Introduction, on chapters 37–71:  “Rome was not as yet known to the writer as one of the great world-powers—a fact which necessitates an earlier date than 64 B.C., when Rome interposed authoritatively in the affairs of Judaea. Thus the date of the Parables could not have been earlier than 94 B.C. or later than 64 B.C.” ↩

  19. 19.

    Collins, John J.  “Pre-Christian Jewish Messianism: An Overview.”  The Messiah: In Early Judaism and Christianity, 1–20.  Minneapolis: Fortress.  Edited by Magnus Zetterholm.  2007.  Collins's later twenty-page summary of the evidence, covering the Septuagint, the Scrolls, the Similitudes, 4 Ezra and the claimants.  It restates the conclusions of his 1995 book briefly.

    1. 19a.

      Page 18:  “The lion is identified as “the Messiah whom the Most High has kept until the end of days, who will arise from the posterity of David” (12:32). In chapter 13, Ezra sees “something like the figure of a man” come up from the sea and fly with the clouds.” ↩

    2. 19b.

      Page 18:  “The messiah also is said to be preexistent in the LXX translation of Ps 110 (109 in Greek), where he is said to have been begotten “before the Day Star” (the Hebrew has “from dawn”).” ↩

    3. 19c.

      Page 7:  “The situation is different in the Prophets and Psalms, which were translated later (second or first century BCE).” ↩

    4. 19d.

      Page 7:  “One possible window into the early Hellenistic period is provided by the Greek translation of the Bible, the Septuagint, of which the Pentateuch was translated by the mid-third century BCE. Despite some claims to the contrary, the LXX Pentateuch provides little evidence of messianic expectation. … The majority reading of the LXX manuscripts translates siloh as “the things laid away for him” and fails to associate the future glory of Judah with an individual ruler. The Greek version of Balaam’s oracles (Num 24:7, 17) speaks of a “man,” who will have a kingdom, and this is of some significance for messianism in the Hellenistic period, even though this passage refrains from calling him a king.” ↩ ↩

    5. 19e.

      Page 7:  “For example, in Amos 4:13, the Lord reveals to humanity “what is his thought” (mah-seho). The Greek reads: “announcing to humanity his anointed” (ton christon autou).” ↩

    6. 19f.

      Page 20:  “The Mishnah only twice makes passing reference to “the days of the messiah” (m. Ber. 1:5 and m. Sotah 9:15).” ↩

  20. 20.

    Septuaginta (CATSS morphologically analysed text).  Philadelphia: Center for Computer Analysis of Texts, University of Pennsylvania.  Edited by Alfred Rahlfs.  1935.  Rahlfs's standard edition of the Greek Old Testament in the University of Pennsylvania's tagged electronic form.  The article quotes its Greek for the Septuagint readings.

    1. 20a.

      Verse Psalm 109:3 (Hebrew and English 110:3):  “ἐκ γαστρὸς πρὸ ἑωσφόρου ἐξεγέννησά σε”. ↩

  21. 21.

    Flint, Peter W.  “Numbers.”  A New English Translation of the Septuagint.  New York: Oxford University Press.  Edited by Albert Pietersma and Benjamin G. Wright.  2007.  The NETS translation of the Greek Numbers, made from the Göttingen critical text by a Dead Sea Scrolls scholar, with an introduction on how the translator handled the Hebrew.  Mirror:  Archive.org

    1. 21a.

      Page 107:  “LXX Numbers may be described as quite a literal reproduction of the Hebrew that is often wooden.” ↩

    2. 21b.

      Page 130, verse 24:7:  “A person will come forth from his offspring, and he shall rule over many nations, and reign of him shall be exalted beyond Gog, and his reign shall be increased.” ↩

    3. 21c.

      Page 131, verse 24:17:  “A star shall dawn out of Iakob, and a person shall rise up out of Israel, and he shall crush the chiefs of Moab, and he shall plunder all Seth’s sons.”  The Greek word for "person" is ἄνθρωπος, where the Hebrew has שֵׁבֶט, "scepter." ↩

  22. 22.

    Philo of Alexandria.  On the Life of Moses, Book I.  Translated by C. D. Yonge.  c. 40 (edition of 1855).  Philo's retelling of Moses's life for Greek readers, written in Alexandria in the first half of the first century AD.  The article quotes his paraphrase of Balaam's oracle in Numbers 24:7.

    1. 22a.

      Section 290:  “A man shall hereafter come forth out of thee who shall rule over many nations, and his kingdom shall increase every day and be raised up to heaven.” ↩

  23. 23.

    Philo of Alexandria.  On Rewards and Punishments.  Translated by C. D. Yonge.  c. 40 (edition of 1855).  Philo's treatise on the blessings and curses of the Law, which ends with a picture of Israel's future restoration.  It contains his only clear use of a scriptural promise of a coming conqueror.

    1. 23a.

      Section 95:  “for a man will come forth, says the word of God, leading a host and warring furiously, who will subdue great and populous nations, God sending that assistance which is suitable for pious men”.  Yonge's edition marks the scripture as Numbers 24:7. ↩

  24. 24.

    Sefaria.  Targum Onkelos on Genesis 49:10 and Numbers 24:7, 17;  Targum Pseudo-Jonathan on Genesis 21:21, 49:10 and Numbers 24:17;  Targum Jonathan on Isaiah 11:1 and 52:13.  2026.  The Aramaic texts with English translations:  the Metsudah Chumash (2009) for Onkelos, J. W. Etheridge (1862) for Pseudo-Jonathan, and the London "Chaldee Paraphrase" (1871) for Targum Jonathan on Isaiah.

    1. 24a.

      Verses Onkelos, Genesis 49:10:  “עַד דְּיֵיתֵי מְשִׁיחָא דְּדִילֵיהּ הִיא מַלְכוּתָא”.  Verses Onkelos, Numbers 24:17:  “כַּד יְקוּם מַלְכָּא מִיַּעֲקֹב וְיִתְרַבָּא מְשִׁיחָא”.  Verses Targum Jonathan, Isaiah 11:1:  “And a king shall come forth from the sons of Jesse, and from his children's children the Messiah shall be anointed.”  Verses Targum Jonathan, Isaiah 52:13:  “Behold, my servant the messiah shall prosper, he shall be exalted and extolled, and he shall be very strong.”  The Aramaic of Onkelos means "until the Messiah comes, whose is the kingdom" and "when a king arises from Jacob and the Messiah is anointed." ↩

    2. 24b.

      Verses Pseudo-Jonathan, Genesis 21:21:  “And he dwelt in the wilderness of Pharan, and took for a wife Adisha, but put her away. And his mother took for him Phatima to wife, from the land of Mizraim.”  Etheridge's translation.  Aisha and Fatima were the names of Muhammad's wife and daughter. ↩

  25. 25.

    Josephus, Flavius.  The Wars of the Jews.  Translated by William Whiston.  c. 75 (edition of 1737).  Josephus's history of the revolt of AD 66–70, written in the 70s by a Jewish commander who surrendered to Vespasian and wrote under Flavian patronage.  He is hostile to the rebels and is the only detailed source for most of the claimants.

    1. 25a.

      Book 6, chapter 5, section 4:  “But now, what did the most elevate them in undertaking this war, was an ambiguous oracle that was also found in their sacred writings, how, “about that time, one from their country should become governor of the habitable earth.” The Jews took this prediction to belong to themselves in particular, and many of the wise men were thereby deceived in their determination. Now this oracle certainly denoted the government of Vespasian, who was appointed emperor in Judea.”  Niese's section numbers 6.312–313. ↩

  26. 26.

    Tacitus.  “Histories.”  Loeb Classical Library.  Translated by Clifford H. Moore.  c. 105 (edition of 1931).  The Roman senator Tacitus's history of the civil wars of AD 69 and the Flavian years.  Book 5 opens with an ethnography of the Jews and the siege of Jerusalem.

    1. 26a.

      Book 5, section 13:  “the majority firmly believed that their ancient priestly writings contained the prophecy that this was the very time when the East should grow strong and that men starting from Judea should possess the world. This mysterious prophecy had in reality pointed to Vespasian and Titus”. ↩

  27. 27.

    Suetonius.  “The Deified Vespasian.”  Loeb Classical Library.  Translated by J. C. Rolfe.  c. 120 (edition of 1914).  Suetonius's life of the emperor Vespasian, written in the early second century by an imperial secretary with access to the palace archives.

    1. 27a.

      Section 4.5:  “There had spread over all the Orient an old and established belief, that it was fated at that time for men coming from Judaea to rule the world. This prediction, referring to the emperor of Rome, as afterwards appeared from the event, the people of Judaea took to themselves”. ↩

  28. 28.

    Josephus, Flavius.  Antiquities of the Jews.  Translated by William Whiston.  c. 94 (edition of 1737).  Josephus's history of the Jews from creation to AD 66, written in Rome about AD 93–94.  It retells Daniel and gives the fullest account of the claimants of 4 BC and the sign prophets of the 40s and 50s.

    1. 28a.

      Book 10, chapter 10, section 4:  “Daniel did also declare the meaning of the stone to the king but I do not think proper to relate it, since I have only undertaken to describe things past or things present, but not things that are future”.  Niese's section 10.210.  A note number printed after "king" is omitted. ↩

  29. 29.

    Zimmerli, Walther, and Joachim Jeremias.  “The Servant of God.”  Studies in Biblical Theology 20.  London: SCM Press.  1957.  The English version of the two authors' article on "servant of God" for the Theological Dictionary of the New Testament.  Jeremias wrote the sections on Judaism and the New Testament, where he argued that Palestinian Judaism read Isaiah 53 of a suffering messiah before Jesus.  It is the classic statement of the maximal case, written before most of the Cave 4 texts were published.

    1. 29a.

      Page 77:  “It is astonishing that in this rich material there is no reference to Isa. 53. Of this there is only one possible explanation: the connexion of Isa. 53 with the Messiah was from pre-Christian days so firmly and exclusively held by Palestinian”.  Page 78:  “Judaism that the application of this chapter to the expiatory death of the righteous was automatically excluded from consideration.”  Jeremias's section. ↩

    2. 29b.

      Page 77:  “The widespread conclusion, that the relative infrequency of messianic interpretations of Isa. 53 in late Judaism shows that the latter was not acquainted with the idea of the suffering Messiah, does not do justice to the sources; for it ignores the great part which—very understandably—the debate with Christianity played in this question.” ↩

  30. 30.

    Knohl, Israel.  The Messiah Before Jesus: The Suffering Servant of the Dead Sea Scrolls.  Berkeley: University of California Press.  Translated by David Maisel.  2000.  A book by a Hebrew University biblical scholar arguing that the speaker of the Qumran self-glorification hymns was a messianic leader killed in 4 BC whose followers believed he rose after three days, and that Jesus saw himself as this figure's successor.  Its case for the death and resurrection rests on Revelation 11 and the Oracle of Hystaspes, not on the hymns.

    1. 30a.

      Page 3:  “This Messiah was finally killed in Jerusalem, and his body was left in the street for three days. His disciples believed that he had arisen after three days and had ascended to heaven. The humiliation, rejection, and slaying of the Messiah caused a crisis of faith among his followers. … Thus, for the first time in the history of Judaism, a conception emerged of "catastrophic" messianism in which the humiliation, rejection, and death of the Messiah were regarded as an inseparable part of the redemptive process.” ↩

    2. 30b.

      Page 9:  “This imaginary reconstruction of a day in the Messiah's life is based on literary sources from the period and on archaeological discoveries made in Qumran”.  Page 71:  “This tradition succinctly expresses the chief claim of this book, which is that Jesus was the heir and successor of the Messiah of Qumran.” ↩

    3. 30c.

      Page 15:  “[Who] has been despised like [me? And who] has been rejected [of men] like me? [And who] compares to m[e in enduring] evil?”  Page 16:  “same time he views himself in the image of the "suffering servant" in Isaiah 53. Of the "suffering servant" it is written: "He was despised and rejected of men; a man of sorrows, and acquainted with grief" (Isaiah 53:3).”  Knohl's translation of the first version of the hymn, preserved in 4Q471b, 4Q427 and 1QHa. ↩

    4. 30d.

      Page 19:  “[N]owhere else in the corpus of the scrolls do we find words placed in the mouth of either Messiah, and so there is no parallel for a speech such as we find in 4Q491 by a messianic figure.” ↩

    5. 30e.

      Page 39:  “Hystaspes says that the prophet of God was killed by the "son of God," whom we have identified as Augustus. In the Book of Revelation, the two witnesses/Messiahs were killed by a beast that ascends from an abyss (abyssos) (Revelation 11:7), which is also a designation for Augustus and his army.”  Note numbers in Knohl's text are omitted. ↩

  31. 31.

    The Messiah: In Early Judaism and Christianity.  Minneapolis: Fortress.  Edited by Magnus Zetterholm.  2007.  A short survey by five Scandinavian and American scholars of the messiah from the Hebrew Bible to the rabbis and the church fathers, edited by a Lund New Testament scholar.

    1. 31a.

      Page xxii:  “Even though there was a rich supply of culturally determined messianic traditions, none of these included the suffering and death of the Messiah of Israel.”  From Zetterholm's introduction. ↩

  32. 32.

    Bockmuehl, Markus.  “A 'Slain Messiah' in 4Q Serekh Milhamah (4Q285)?”  Tyndale Bulletin 43(1):155–169.  1992.  A study of the "pierced messiah" fragment published within a year of the 1991 press reports, by a New Testament scholar then at Cambridge.  He gives his own transcription and translation and weighs the grammar and the Isaiah 11 context.

    1. 32a.

      Page 166:  “The Polel of [the root] in line 5 appears to mean 'woundings' or 'piercings'; Biblical passages to be compared include Ezekiel 32:26 and possibly Isaiah 51:9, 53:5.”  The Hebrew root is printed in Hebrew letters in the original. ↩

    2. 32b.

      Page 167:  “In the end, then, the answer to our stated question is quite straightforward: the fragment from 4Q Serekh Milhamah does not refer to a dying Messiah. Nor of course does it advance the question of whether there was any Jewish notion of a suffering and dying Messiah before the coming of Christ.” ↩

  33. 33.

    The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English, vol. 2: Pseudepigrapha.  Oxford: Clarendon Press.  Edited by R. H. Charles.  1913.  The standard English collection of the Pseudepigrapha for most of the twentieth century, with a translation and introduction for each book.  The article uses G. H. Box's translation of 4 Ezra and G. Buchanan Gray's introduction to the Psalms of Solomon.

    1. 33a.

      Verse 4 Ezra 7:28–29:  “For my Son the Messiah shall be revealed, together with those who are with him, and shall rejoice the survivors four hundred years. And it shall be, after these years, that my Son the Messiah shall die, and all in whom there is human breath.”  G. H. Box's translation.  The versions differ on the number 400. ↩

    2. 33b.

      Verse 4 Ezra 3:1:  “In the thirtieth year after the downfall of the City”.  Section Introduction, § 8:  “The limits within which the final redaction of our book must have taken place may be fixed as A.D. 100-135. It is clear that the book cannot have been published in its present form before the former date in view of the explicit reference in iii. 1 to the thirtieth year after the downfall of the city”.  Box's translation heads 7:26–30 "The sudden revelation of the Messiah: his 400 years reign and death" and marks it as the redactor's work. ↩

  34. 34.

    A rough check of what the silence of the sources can and cannot show, for scale only.  This article cites about twenty pre-Christian or contemporary compositions that speak of a coming messianic figure:  Psalms of Solomon 17 and 18, 4Q161, 4Q174, 1QSb, the Damascus Document, 4Q252, 4Q285, 4Q246, 1QS, 1QSa, 4Q175, 4Q521, 11Q13, 4Q541, the self-glorification hymn, the Similitudes of Enoch, Greek Numbers 24, Philo, and Ben Sira 48.  None has a suffering, dying and atoning messiah.  If a fraction f of such compositions had carried that idea, and the twenty were independent draws, the chance of seeing none would be (1 − f)^20:  0.8^20 ≈ 0.012 for f = 1/5, 0.9^20 ≈ 0.12 for f = 1/10, and 0.95^20 ≈ 0.36 for f = 1/20.  The draws are not truly independent, since half of them come from one sect's library, so the true chances of silence are somewhat higher than these figures.  No published model claims a particular fraction;  the figures only show that the silence rules out a common expectation and cannot rule out a rare one. ↩

  35. 35.

    Sefaria.  Babylonian Talmud, William Davidson Edition:  Sanhedrin 97a–99a and Sukkah 52a;  Jerusalem Talmud, Taanit 4:5, Guggenheimer edition.  2026.  The rabbinic passages most often quoted on the messiah, in the Aramaic and Hebrew with modern English translations.  The Babylonian Talmud's English is the Koren–Steinsaltz rendering, which expands the terse original with explanatory words.

    1. 35a.

      Section Sukkah 52a:  “Rabbi Dosa and the Rabbis disagree concerning this matter. One said that this eulogy is for Messiah ben Yosef who was killed in the war of Gog from the land of Magog prior to the ultimate redemption with the coming of Messiah ben David. And one said that this eulogy is for the evil inclination that was killed.” ↩

    2. 35b.

      Section Sanhedrin 98b:  “And the Rabbis say: The leper of the house of Rabbi Yehuda HaNasi is his name, as it is stated: “Indeed our illnesses he did bear and our pains he endured; yet we did esteem him injured, stricken by God, and afflicted” (Isaiah 53:4).” ↩

    3. 35c.

      Section Sanhedrin 98a:  “Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi said to Elijah: When will the Messiah come? Elijah said to him: Go ask him. Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levi asked: And where is he sitting? Elijah said to him: At the entrance of the city of Rome. … He sits among the poor who suffer from illnesses.” ↩

    4. 35d.

      Section Sanhedrin 99a:  “Rabbi Hillel says: There is no Messiah coming for the Jewish people, as they already ate from him, as all the prophecies relating to the Messiah were already fulfilled, during the days of Hezekiah.”  “Rav Yosef says: May the Master forgive Rabbi Hillel for stating matters with no basis.” ↩