"This tells us that the difference, in calendar years, between the two timbers is at least 132 years, and suggests that the life span of level VII and part of VIB is likewise at least 132 years." — Peter Kuniholm and Maryanne Newton, counting tree rings at Çatalhöyük, 19971
"It is impossible at this point in time to give an accurate assessment of the time taken for the build-up of these strata." — A. J. M. Osgood, the only creationist to attempt one, 19862
"it was the archaeologists themselves who delivered and subsequently cultivated the now popular opinion that Göbekli Tepe is the site of the »World's First Temples«." — Lee Clare, head of the Göbekli Tepe project, 20203
Summary
Genesis puts Noah's landing in the mountains of Ararat and Babel in Shinar: eastern Anatolia, the northern Levant and Mesopotamia. That is also where archaeology finds the earliest monumental architecture, the earliest villages, the earliest bread, and the first domesticated sheep, goats, cattle and wheat, dated from about 12,500 BC to 4000 BC. Every Flood date Genesis allows falls between 3300 and 2350 BC. The gap is six to ten thousand years.
- The gap is six to ten thousand years, and no manuscript choice touches it. Wall plaster between two pillars of Enclosure D at Göbekli Tepe dates to 9745 to 9314 cal BC,4 6,800 to 7,200 years before a Masoretic Flood at 2518 BC. The Septuagint's 780 extra years close about 11% of that. Bread at Shubayqa 1 in Jordan is 14,400 years old on seven short-lived seeds from inside two hearths.5
- Occupation runs through every proposed Flood horizon without a break. Jericho "records over 10,000 years of human history … without any apparent significant breaks in occupation".6 On the excavator's own period table a Masoretic Flood lands inside Early Bronze IIIB and Ussher's inside Early Bronze IVA, with about 8,000 years of stratified tell beneath.7
- The tell-depth objection fails, and this article concedes it. Osgood's mechanism, mud-brick houses collapsing every 7.5 to 15 years, builds a 21 m tell in 200 to 800 years on the computation below. Anyone arguing from depth alone is wrong.
- What does not fail is the count of building levels, and it uses no radiocarbon. Çatalhöyük houses "were lived in for 50-100 years",8 so seventeen superimposed levels is 850 to 1,700 years. Tree rings agree: two timbers from levels VII and VIB are 132 rings apart, so those levels alone span "at least 132 years".1 Osgood allows 330 years for the whole world's Stone Age.2
- Superposition forbids the contemporaneity escape. Neighbouring cultures overlap by a few centuries, as Osgood says. Periods stacked vertically in one column at Jericho cannot be contemporary with each other.
- Domestication is a rate, not only a date. Goats managed at Ganj Dareh, directly dated to 9,900 BP, "show no evidence of size reduction or any other domestication-induced morphological change".9 Domestic form appears 500 to 1,500 years later.
- The creationist side has four dates for Göbekli Tepe and no method for any. Habermehl 2015 gives "around 2500 BC (LXX) or 2100 BC (MT)";10 Habermehl 2018 puts the whole site into "as little as 25 years";11 Answers in Genesis gives "about 2150–1900 BC";12 Cox gives "up to and possibly after Babel".13
- The one creationist who read the radiocarbon paper quoted its caveats and left out its answers. The Dietrich sentence Cox quotes about data that "fail to provide absolute chronological points of reference" is about pedogenic-carbonate dates the authors say ran too young, and the wall-plaster date of 9984 ± 42 follows on the same page.4
- The excavators have retracted the two things creationists cite most, and both retractions cut the wrong way. Intentional backfilling at Göbekli Tepe is withdrawn, and the buildings' final phases are "in excess of five centuries after their initial foundation".3 Habermehl allows 25 years.
- Some of the creationist critique is simply right, and one mainstream citation fails here too. The "first temple" reading was wrong, Kenyon's fortress is read by Bar-Yosef as flood defence, and Halaf, Samarra and Ubaid II do overlap. Hodder's much-quoted claim that Çatalhöyük's plaster coats are annual cites a chapter that says nothing about plaster.1 Interpretation is unstable. The dates are not, and every mainstream disagreement here is worth a few centuries against a gap of six to ten thousand years.
Verdict. The Near Eastern Neolithic cannot be fitted between any Genesis Flood date and Abraham. The failure is not radiocarbon. It is counted building levels, measured house lives, counted tree rings, stacked periods in single columns, and a domestication lag that is a biological rate. The one creationist who tried to give a number said in print that he could not.
Part 1: Five sites and how each is dated
The Flood dates used throughout are fixed at a common Abraham anchor: 2518 BC for the plain Masoretic sum, 2348 BC for Ussher, and 3298 BC for the Septuagint. Where a creationist source uses its own figure, that figure is used for that source and said so.
Göbekli Tepe
Göbekli Tepe is a hill in southeast Turkey, about 15 km from Şanlıurfa, with rings of carved T-shaped limestone pillars up to 5.5 m tall. The project's own summary gives its span as about 9500 to 8000 cal BC.3 The date that matters most is structural. In 2013 Dietrich and colleagues dated organic material in the wall plaster between pillars 41 and 42 of Enclosure D: 9984 ± 42 ¹⁴C BP, calibrating to 9745 to 9314 cal BC at 95.4%.4 Plaster on a standing wall dates the building, not whatever slid into it later. Three charcoal samples from Enclosure D at bedrock cluster at 9664 to 9311 cal BC.4
Against a Masoretic Flood at 2518 BC the wall plaster is 6,800 to 7,200 years too early. Against the Septuagint's 3298 BC it is 6,000 to 6,450 years too early. The Septuagint's extra 780 years buy about 11% of the gap.
The interpretation of the site has changed a great deal since 2013. The dates have not. Part 5 sets out what changed.
Shubayqa 1
Shubayqa 1 is a Natufian hunter-gatherer camp in the Black Desert of northeast Jordan. In 2018 Arranz-Otaegui and colleagues identified 24 charred food remains from two stone fireplaces as bread-like products made from wild einkorn and club-rush tubers. "Seven radiocarbon dates of short-lived charred plant remains from within the fireplaces indicate their use around 14.4–14.2 ka cal BP, which corresponds with the early Natufian period."5 The site as a whole runs from 14.6 to 11.6 ka cal BP.5
This is the extreme case, and it is dated on the material every laboratory prefers. Short-lived seeds cannot carry an old-wood offset, and seven of them from inside two hearths agree. 14,400 cal BP is 12,450 BC, about 9,930 years before a Masoretic Flood and 9,150 before a Septuagint one. The same paper says bread "were probably not routinely consumed foodstuffs or dietary staples during the Natufian. The exploitation of cereals increased gradually between 11.5 and 9 ka cal BP".5 A 2,500-year gradual change is itself hard to compress.
Jericho
Tell es-Sultan at Jericho is a 21 m mound in the Jordan Valley, 250 m below sea level. Bar-Yosef describes the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A tower from Kenyon's sections: "The tower, placed inside the perimeter of the settlement, was 8.2 m high (ca. 9 m in diameter at the base and 7 m at the top) and built of undressed stones. It had a staircase leading to the top with 22 steps built of dressed slabs."14 It weighed about 1,000 tons and had to be repaired after subsiding into the marl.14
Bar-Yosef's Table 1 lists fifteen radiocarbon determinations tied to numbered construction stages in Kenyon's Trench I.14 His summary: "The available ¹⁴C dates indicate that the construction occurred between 8300 B.C. and 7800 B.C., which may mean around 8000 B.C. as estimated by Kenyon."14 Those are uncalibrated years in the old "bc" convention, where bc is the radiocarbon age minus 1950, and calibrating them makes Jericho older, not younger: 8300 ± 200 bc is 10,250 ± 200 ¹⁴C BP, which on IntCal20 spans about 10,665 to 9,340 cal BC at 95.4%. That was computed here against the IntCal20 curve file, not taken from a source. The current excavator's calibrated table gives the Late Natufian at 10,500 to 8800 BC, PPNA at 8800 to 7500 BC and PPNB at 7500 to 6300 BC.7
That table is the clearest exhibit in this article. It runs period by period from the Late Natufian to the Iron Age. A Masoretic Flood at 2518 BC falls inside Sultan IIIc2, Early Bronze IIIB. Ussher's 2348 BC falls inside Sultan IIId1, Early Bronze IVA. The Septuagint's 3298 BC falls inside Sultan IIIa2, Early Bronze IB. In each case the tell already carries seven to eight thousand years of stratified deposit beneath the Flood horizon, and a year-long global Flood would have to leave a sterile layer and a population break somewhere in that column. A 2023 isotope study by a Max Planck and LMU team, with no stake in this argument, says the site was occupied "without any apparent significant breaks in occupation".6
One honest complication belongs here. Bar-Yosef reports a gap at the very bottom: "following a gap of nearly a millennium (ca. 9200–8350 B.C.), the site was settled by one of the early farming communities."14 Wang's "without any apparent significant breaks" is a summary sentence citing Kenyon's volumes. The two conflict at the Natufian-to-PPNA transition, about 6,000 years before any Flood date. Both are reported here because citing only the one that helps would be dishonest.
For Late Bronze Jericho and Joshua, see Jericho and the Conquest. This article owns the Neolithic tell 7,000 years below.
Çatalhöyük
Çatalhöyük on the Konya plain in central Turkey is two mounds. The East Mound is the famous one. Orton and colleagues summarise its chronology: "Dating has concentrated on the higher southern eminence, where a 21m sequence divided into 'levels', XII (earliest) to 0 (latest), by Mellaart (1964), with the later addition of four 'pre-XII' levels (Cessford 2001), probably represents almost the entire duration of occupation. … Mellaart (1978: 13) estimated an occupation of c. 7100–6300 BC. While his start date has proved remarkably accurate (Bayliss et al. 2015), subsequent research has pushed the undated final levels steadily towards the end of the seventh millennium".15 Reporting Marciniak's 2015 Bayesian model, Orton gives the end: abandonment of the last known house "is now securely dated to 6015–5905 BC at 95% probability… while cessation of occupation is estimated as 5975–5865 BC at 95% probability".15 The West Mound then overlaps the East by up to two centuries and runs on to about 5600 BC.15
So the East Mound is 21 m of stratified houses in about 17 numbered levels, spanning roughly 7100 to 5900 cal BC. Its last occupation ends 3,350 to 3,460 years before a Masoretic Flood; its first level is 4,580 years before one. Bayliss 2015 and Marciniak 2015, the papers behind those dates, are closed, so the start and end are cited as Orton reports them.
Abu Hureyra, and the domestication lag
Abu Hureyra on the Euphrates in Syria runs straight through the transition from hunting to herding. Smith and colleagues' 2022 dung-spherulite study gives the phase table on IntCal20: Epipalaeolithic 1A at 13,300 to 12,800 cal BP, through the Intermediate Early Neolithic at 11,400 to 10,600, to Pre-Pottery Neolithic B phases 2A and 2B and a Late Neolithic 2C ending at 7,800 cal BP.16 Spherulite concentrations "dropped abruptly during Neolithic 2B (9,300–8,000 calBP) and 2C (8,000–7,800 calBP), when sheep/goat herding surpassed gazelle hunting".16 That is 5,500 years of occupation ending about 5850 BC, with burned dung as an independent proxy for the herding chronology.
The domestication evidence is a rate as well as a date. Zeder's synthesis reads herd management from the age and sex of slaughtered animals. "Application of this approach … has identified the clear signature of a managed herd of goats (harvesting of young males and prolonged survivorship of females) at the site of Ganj Dareh in highland Iran. Directly dated to 9,900 B.P., the goats from this site show no evidence of size reduction or any other domestication-induced morphological change."9 Management of all four livestock species begins about 11,000 to 10,000 BP, but "Clear-cut morphological responses to domestication … are not evident in these four livestock species until ca. 9,500–9,000 B.P."9 Plants show the same shape: intensified management "at least as far back as ca. 12,000 B.P.", with nonshattering seed heads "not well established until ca. 10,500 B.P."9 Goats carry four to six distinct domestic mitochondrial lineages, cattle five.9
The caveat a creationist would raise is fair. The management dates rest on harvest profiles, an inference from age-at-death curves, not a physical clock. What survives is the lag itself, a thousand years or more between keeping an animal and seeing it change, which a model compressing the Neolithic into a few centuries has to compress too. The farm-fox experiment is taken up under objections.
Mesopotamia before 2000 BC
Osgood's Part 2 places the whole Mesopotamian Chalcolithic, Hassuna through Jemdet Nasr, between Babel and Abraham. The standard reference on the Ubaid states: "Radiometric data suggest that the whole southern Mesopotamian Ubaid period, including Ubaid 0 and 5, is of immense duration, spanning nearly three millennia from about 6500 to 3800 b.c."17 The southern Ubaid therefore ends 500 years before a Septuagint Flood and 1,300 before a Masoretic one, and begins 2,700 years earlier. The eclipse-anchored first millennium is a separate article, Mesopotamian Absolute Chronology.
Part 2: What the creationist literature says
Osgood 1986: the only model, and its own number
A. J. M. Osgood's "A Better Model for the Stone Age" is the one sustained creationist attempt to fit the whole Stone Age into post-Flood time. He dates Babel to 2200 BC and Abraham's entry into Canaan to 1870 BC. The consequence is stated as a number: "Consequently, on the biblical model, any other civilization outside of Mesopotamia, with the possible exception of small areas along the route between Ararat and Sumer, would have to be dated from 2,200 B.C. until 1,870 B.C. for a stone age period, that is, for all that is embraced within the Paleolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic, wherever such a relative chronology can be applied satisfactorily."2 For Palestine he repeats it: "from 2,200 B.C. to 1870 B.C. or 330 years."2
He does not re-date radiocarbon. He rejects it: "Carbon-14 (or radiocarbon) dating in particular assumes that the influx and outflow of carbon-14 atoms into and out of the biosphere is in equilibrium. This simply is not so, and that alone invalidates the method."2 Dendrochronology "is so shot through with assumptions that it is surprising that anyone dared to present it as a scientific test."2 In place of dates he offers a model in which "The Paleolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic could well be contemporary, and might simply be an indication of the different conditions and the different environment and distance from the centre point available to each of the different cultures."2 And a deposit-rate argument, the one quantitative move in the paper:
"The wet conditions may also explain the very large number of stone-age, particularly Neolithic strata, in such places as Mersin, Catal Huyuk and Jericho, where the main building materials were sun-dried mud bricks. In north-eastern Iraq the Jarmo expedition found that the average expectation for a 'casually built house with some dried mud bricks and mud finished roof' was only 15 years. In much wetter conditions of earlier days the life of a building may well have been considerably shorter, even half that time, making rapid build up of strata with rebuilding of levels in tells a very highly likely proposition."2
And then, in the next paragraph, the admission: "It is impossible at this point in time to give an accurate assessment of the time taken for the build-up of these strata. Long periods of time that have artificially been assigned to them simply cannot be sustained on any present evidence."2
Osgood wrote in 1986, nine years before Schmidt began digging at Göbekli Tepe. His contemporaneity evidence is real and correctly reported: Moore's four-stage Levantine Neolithic has Halaf replacing Neolithic IV, and Jasim's Tell Abada shows Halaf, Samarra and Ubaid II together. That shows neighbouring regional cultures overlapping by a few centuries. It cannot show that a culture 6,000 radiocarbon years older is contemporary with one 6,000 years younger; Part 4 explains why.
Part 2 of his paper adds a population figure, "approximately 12,500 male people alive at the time of Babel (excluding deaths from wars and disease) or a total of around 25,000 human beings",18 and the rule "All cultures outside of lower Mesopotamia should be POST Babel, that is, after 2,200 B.C."18 Osgood puts Babel about 100 years after the Flood.2 At exactly that point Carter and Hardy's 2015 creationist population model reaches more than 1,000 people only under favourable settings, and 40,000 only under what they call "not likely scenarios".19
CMI 2011 and ICR 2012: assertion without a number
Creation Ministries International's first answer to Göbekli Tepe was a 2011 feedback reply by Lita Sanders and Robert Carter. Its dating argument is one sentence: "Our response to that is the same as the dates that put the earliest Egyptian pyramids before the biblical date for the Flood and those that claim dinosaurs died out 65 million years ago— the dates are wrong."20 The positive claim is "a tentative dating would put it soon after the Flood",20 and the argument is plausibility: "hunter-gatherers don't build great big monuments, because they're too busy, well, hunting and gathering."20
They deserve credit on that last point. Clare's 2020 report describes round-oval domestic structures with hearths and bead production on bedrock, and "a dense domestic occupation at the site in the EPPNB".3 The site was not built by people who only visited. But the correction went the other way: Göbekli Tepe is now read as a settlement occupied for well over a millennium, which is worse for a short compression, not better.
Brian Thomas's 2012 ICR piece makes no chronological claim and does not mention radiocarbon. It says "it makes sense that Gobekli Tepe was one of the first building sites of post-Flood peoples."21 Nothing by Clarey or Snelling on Göbekli Tepe, PPNA Jericho or the Neolithic radiocarbon was found on icr.org.
Cox 2021: the one who read the paper
Gavin Cox's 2021 CMI article is the only creationist piece found that engages the Göbekli Tepe radiocarbon series directly, and he quotes four of Dietrich's caveats verbatim. His conclusion: "When all these dating issues for Göbekli Tepe are assessed without the baggage of uniformitarian thinking, this Neolithic site fits comfortably within the historical constraints of Genesis as a post-Flood settlement."13
An audit of his article against the Dietrich PDF finds three things, each checkable.
A units error. Cox writes that the samples "gave a range of dates of 9,990±30 years to 8,880±60 years BC".13 Dietrich's table gives those figures as radiocarbon years before present, not calendar years BC. The paper prints "9984 ± 42 ¹⁴C-BP (9745-9314 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level)" on p. 36 and "8880 ± 60 ¹⁴C-BP, 8241-7795 calBC" on p. 38.4 This is a slip, not an argument, and it does not help him: reading 9990 BP as 9990 BC makes the site look older, not younger. His count of eleven samples and his choice of the highest and lowest values both match Table 1 exactly.
Selective quotation at the decisive point. Cox quotes Dietrich: "the data fail to provide absolute chronological points of reference for architecture and strata".13 On p. 36 of Dietrich, "the data" in that sentence are the pedogenic-carbonate dates, not the radiocarbon on organic samples. The sentence before it says "absolute ages are clearly too young". Two sentences later comes "A far better source of organic remains for the direct dating of architectural structures is the wall plaster used in the enclosures", and then the wall-plaster date of 9984 ± 42.4 Cox introduces the quotation as being about "carbon dates for layer II", which is the wrong data, and neither the correction nor the wall-plaster date appears anywhere in his article. In fairness he treats the pedogenic-carbonate method in its own later section and quotes its variable-rate caveat there, so this reads as a misplacement rather than a concealment.
The backfill caveat has since been withdrawn by the project. Cox's inverse-stratigraphy argument rests on Dietrich's statement that the fill "poses severe problems for the dating of this layer using the radiocarbon method, as organic remains from the fill-sediments could be older or younger than the enclosures".13 Clare 2020 replaces intentional backfilling with slope-slide inundation and reports that mud-mortar dates from the standing fabric "have proven far more homogeneous than those made previously on samples from their fill".3 Cox could not have known this in 2021. Any article written now has to say it.
Cox also places Babel at "c. 140–200 years after the Flood" and, elsewhere in the same article, "around 2,500 BC".13 Together those put his Flood at about 2650 to 2700 BC, roughly 150 years before the plain Masoretic sum used here. He gives no Flood date directly. His calibration-plateau point is real and belongs to the radiocarbon article. A plateau widens a calibrated range by decades to a couple of centuries. The gap here is six to seven thousand years.
Habermehl 2018: telescoping, and the number it produces
Anne Habermehl's 2018 ICC paper is the most serious creationist treatment of Göbekli Tepe in print. She writes that "Scholars consider this ancient date of Gӧbekli Tepe to be solid, with carbon dating backing up their other dating".11 She accepts the conventional ordering and maps it onto biblical time non-linearly, with conventional years running faster the further back one goes. Her result: "It is proposed that the Gӧbekli Tepe site was most likely founded somewhat more than 100 years before Abraham's visit to Egypt (Masoretic timeline) or, alternatively, about 250 years before Abraham's visit to Egypt (Septuagintal timeline)."11 On the Masoretic figure it "was built about 210 years after Babel".11
The claim to test is this one: "The two thousand conventional years claimed for the time that Gӧbekli Tepe was in process of being built, from its founding to its abandonment, becomes a very small number on our biblical timeline. From Fig. 3 (MT), we see that there is as little as 25 years allowed for the building of the entire Gӧbekli Tepe site before its abandonment. Figure 4 (LXX) shows about 50 years."11 The same map places "The Babel dispersion … about 1.76 million years ago on the conventional timeline."11 She is candid about the method: "placement of these data points on the conventional timelines is approximate, and therefore the conclusions that are drawn from these figures are not precise. This is because we do not have the necessary data for precision."11
This is the strongest creationist move available, and it is falsifiable. It does not need radiocarbon to be broken. It needs 25 to 50 years to be enough to build Göbekli Tepe. Two years after she wrote, the project reported from mud-mortar samples in the standing fabric that the enclosures' "final building phases are consistent with a construction date around the mid-ninth millennium calBC, which is in excess of five centuries after their initial foundation."3 Her model allows 25 years; the project measures more than 500. The price of her map is every hominin date at once: if Babel is 1.76 million conventional years ago, Acheulean handaxes, Neanderthals and Göbekli Tepe all fall inside about two centuries of real time.
Her own 2015 site report, written after a visit with Lee Clare, gave a different answer: "the beginning time of building Gӧbekli Tepe falls somewhere around 2500 BC (LXX) or 2100 BC (MT)."10
Answers in Genesis 2023: a ratio without a method
The only place Answers in Genesis prints a date for Göbekli Tepe is a 2023 review of Graham Hancock's Netflix series. "Conventionally dated between 9500 and 8000 BC, which Hancock seems to agree with, they can be dated to about 2150–1900 BC in a biblical timeline (early post-Babel)."12 Karahan Tepe, 46 km east, "is dated to roughly the same time, 9500–8,000 BC (and the same biblical timeframe of 2150–1900 BC)."12 No reasoning is given. What the numbers supply is a compression ratio: 1,500 conventional years onto 250 biblical ones, a factor of six. Habermehl's is a factor of 30 to 60. No primary excavation report with a radiocarbon series was found for Karahan Tepe.
Four dates from three authors on two ministry websites, none derived from a sample, none agreeing with another. That is the state of the creationist literature on the hardest Neolithic site.
Part 3: The depth test, computed here
Can a 21 m tell form in a few centuries? Yes.
Osgood's mechanism is that mud-brick houses fall down and are rebuilt every 7.5 to 15 years. Bar-Yosef, no creationist, says the same about how tells form: the deep stratigraphies of Mureybet, Abu Hureyra, Jericho, Ain Ghazal and the rest were "mainly formed by the natural collapse and subsequent rebuilding of adobe or mud-brick houses."14 He also grants Osgood's wet climate: "it seems that both PPNA and PPNB periods had more favourable climatic conditions than today… Geomorphological evidence supports this general picture and indicates that the 7th millennium B.C. was wetter than the previous or following ones".14 What Bar-Yosef supplies that Osgood never did is a thickness: "while the height of PPNA deposits in other parts of the mound is 3.5–4.5 m, in the area of the tower the total thickness amounts to 8.5 m (including the so-called Proto-Neolithic)."14
Computed here
The script research/deposit-rate-test.ts beside this article takes every input from a published measurement. Its output, condensed to the lines the text uses:
1. MEASURED ACCUMULATION
Catalhoyuk East: 21 m over 1180 yr (7100-5920 cal BC)
= 17.8 mm/yr; 17 levels = 1.24 m and 69.4 yr per level
Jericho PPNA 3.5-8.5 m over 1300 yr = 2.69-6.54 mm/yr
2. INSIDE OSGOOD'S 330-YEAR WINDOW (Catalhoyuk East alone)
21 m / 330 yr = 63.6 mm/yr (3.6x measured); 19.4 yr per level
3. CAN OSGOOD'S MECHANISM DELIVER THE VOLUME? (Yes.)
7.5 yr house life, 0.4 m debris -> 53.3 mm/yr; 21 m in 394 yr
7.5 yr, 0.8 m -> 106.7 mm/yr; 21 m in 197 yr
15 yr, 0.4 m -> 26.7 mm/yr; 21 m in 788 yr
15 yr, 0.8 m -> 53.3 mm/yr; 21 m in 394 yr
VERDICT: raw deposit thickness is NOT the binding constraint.
4. THE BINDING CONSTRAINT: COUNTED LAYERS, NOT THICKNESS
Measured house use-life at Catalhoyuk: 50-100 yr, not 7-15.
17 levels x 50 yr = 850 yr; x 100 yr = 1700 yr
Tree rings: CTL-16 and CTL-6 are 132 rings apart, so level
VII plus part of VIB alone span >= 132 yr. Two of 17 levels.
One 3 cm wall fragment carries 80 plaster couplets, but their
periodicity is not established, so no year count from them.
5. SIMULTANEITY
Gobekli Tepe 1500 + Jericho 6200 + Catalhoyuk East 1180
+ Catalhoyuk West 500 = 9380 yr of occupation.
If each collapse of a 2.5 m mud-brick wall spreads 0.4 to 0.8 m of debris over its own floor, and houses really do fall every 7.5 to 15 years, the tell reaches 21 m in 200 to 800 years. Osgood's 330-year window sits inside that range. Anyone who argues that Neolithic tells are simply too deep to be young has not done the arithmetic and is wrong.
One caution on the inputs. The 15-year house life is the Jarmo excavators' figure, which Osgood halves for wetter conditions; the 50 to 100 year figure in step 4 is Hodder's, measured at Çatalhöyük. Both may be right about their own sites. What the computation shows is that at the deepest sequence the measured house life is four to thirteen times Osgood's assumption, and Osgood applied a Jarmo figure to Çatalhöyük and Jericho without checking either.
Part 4: The clock with no radiocarbon in it
If radiocarbon is the objection, the test that gets around it counts things inside the tell.
Tree rings. Kuniholm and Newton measured 500-odd charcoal fragments left from Mellaart's excavation and built "a 570 year tree-ring chronology for the site", internally replicated across nine trees from levels IV to VII.1 That 570 years is the span of the ring series, not of the occupation, because one old tree contributes centuries of rings by itself. One result in the chapter is a duration. A post from level VII kept its terminal ring, so its felling year is fixed: "The terminal year for CTL-16 at relative year 1437 is 132 years earlier than the last preserved ring (relative year 1569) of CTL-6 from level VIB. This tells us that the difference, in calendar years, between the two timbers is at least 132 years, and suggests that the life span of level VII and part of VIB is likewise at least 132 years."1 One level and part of a second, 132 years at the least, counted in rings. There are seventeen levels.
Two cautions, both from the same chapter. The chronology is floating: "we cannot yet convert our relative dating system to calendar years", which is why decadal samples went to Arizona for radiocarbon wiggle-matching.1 And most timbers lack bark, so "the end dates for the different levels are not in fall-back order as one might expect".1 The 132 years survives both, because a ring count between two samples needs no calendar date.
House lives. Hodder's 2012 summary: "Many houses were lived in for 50-100 years. The people of Çatalhöyük had great problems keeping the buildings standing for this long as the mud brick walls made of smectitic clay tended to lean and bend."8 Buildings were "replaced in the same location, using the same layout of walls over 4-6 rebuilds."8 Osgood needs them to fall every 7.5 to 15 years.
Plaster layers, and why this article does not count years with them. The wall plasters at Çatalhöyük really are stacked in the dozens and hundreds. Wendy Matthews and colleagues put one 3 cm fragment of collapsed wall plaster under a microscope: it "includes 160 layers of plaster", read as "80 couplets" of a preparation layer plus a finishing coat.22 Hodder's 2012 summary reports over 450 coats on the main room of Building 5 against only 3 or 4 in adjacent rooms.8
None of that converts to years, and a citation has to be corrected here. Hodder wrote in 1999 that "Up to 40 layers of replastering were found on the walls and floors of Building 1. We believe, on the basis of correlations with dendrochronological sequences, that these replasterings occurred annually (Kuniholm & Newton 1996)."23 That chapter was obtained for this article. It reports timber chronologies. It says nothing about plaster, and neither does anything else in the volume.1 Hodder's own 2012 text calls the plastering "frequent (annual, seasonal and monthly – Matthews 2005)".8 So the annual reading is an assertion whose stated authority does not carry it, and no year count is drawn from plaster here.
Now the arithmetic, using only the house lives. Seventeen superimposed building levels at 50 to 100 years each is 850 to 1,700 years. Osgood's window for the entire world's Stone Age is 330 years. The Çatalhöyük East Mound alone is between two and a half and five times that, before Jericho, Göbekli Tepe or Abu Hureyra get any of it. Nothing in that paragraph is a radiocarbon date. Rejecting radiocarbon does not touch it.
Superposition
Osgood's contemporaneity model fails at the same point. The four site sequences in step 5 sum to about 9,400 years, and Osgood's answer is that cultures which look sequential were really parallel. That works for Halaf beside Samarra. It does not work for Jericho, whose single column holds the Natufian, PPNA, PPNB, Pottery Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Early Bronze stacked vertically in one place.7 A layer cannot be contemporary with the layer beneath it.
The Flood horizon nobody has named
If the Flood was in 2518, 2348 or 3298 BC, some stratum in some Near Eastern tell is the Flood deposit. No creationist source found for this article names one. Osgood's framework puts the whole Neolithic above the Flood, so the deposit at Jericho would lie beneath the Natufian, more than 21 m down. Habermehl's puts it below 1.76 million conventional years of record. A young-earth model of the Neolithic would need to say which layer, at which site, and why the sequence above it is 330 years long and not 8,000.
Part 5: Where the interpretation really is unstable
The creationist critique of Neolithic archaeology is partly right. Four headline readings have been reversed or are contested, three of them by the excavators themselves.
The world's first temple. Clare, head of the Göbekli Tepe project, writes that "it was the archaeologists themselves who delivered and subsequently cultivated the now popular opinion that Göbekli Tepe is the site of the »World's First Temples«."3 Deep soundings for the new shelter anchors "have exposed the weaknesses of the temple-narrative, meaning that a revision of the popular scientific view is now unavoidable".3 Thomas at ICR attacked the "religion before agriculture" story in 2012, and on its instability he was right.
Schmidt's three layers. The mortar dates show "a clear chronological overlap of the round-oval special buildings (Layer III after Schmidt; PPNA; ~9.500–8.700 calBC) and the rectangular structures (Layer II after Schmidt; EPPNB; ~8.700–8.200 calBC)."3 The tidy tripartite scheme of the 2013 paper is gone.
The ritual backfilling. "While previous conclusions postulated an intentional (ritually-motivated) backfilling of these structures at the close of their active use-lives as buildings, a review of the available evidence now suggests an inundation by displaced archaeological deposits from adjacent higher-lying knolls and slopes of the mound."3 This is the reading Cox's inverse-stratigraphy argument depended on, withdrawn by the project.
Kenyon's fortress. Bar-Yosef reads the Jericho wall and tower not as fortifications but as flood defence: "a plausible alternative interpretation for the Neolithic walls of Jericho is that they were built in stages as a defense system against floods and mudflows."14 That is closer to a creationist's instincts than Kenyon's reading.
The Ubaid. The editors of the standard volume write that "in the case of absolute chronology the term 'Ubaid period' is not consistently defined", and that in some regions "the Ubaid period runs only from about 5300 to 4300 b.c."17 The same ceramic label covers different absolute spans in different places. Osgood's instinct that the neat serial sequence is partly parallel was not stupid.
Every one of these is a change of interpretation, not of date. Göbekli Tepe was 9500 to 8000 cal BC before Clare's revision and is 9500 to 8000 cal BC after it, and the revision made the buildings longer-lived, not shorter. Bar-Yosef's flood-defence tower is dated by the same fifteen determinations as Kenyon's fortress. The Ubaid's regional looseness does not move the southern sequence, which is where Osgood puts Babel. The live mainstream disagreements here, the Natufian gap at Jericho and the East and West Mound overlap, are worth a few centuries at most against a gap of six to ten thousand years. "Even the scientists disagree" is true and is worth about three percent of the distance.
Part 6: Babel, the King List and the flood layers
Three further creationist moves bear on the Neolithic, and each is treated briefly because a sibling article owns the detail.
Moving Babel. Habermehl's 2011 paper argues that Shinar is the Khabur triangle of northeast Syria, with Akkad at Tell Brak and Calneh at Tell Fakhariya, because southern Iraq's alluvium "is a delta that was formed later on, well after the Babel dispersion".24 That does not get the Neolithic out of the way. It moves Babel into the middle of it: Tell Brak has stratified Ubaid and Late Chalcolithic levels beneath its historical ones, Tell Fakhariya is 2 km from Tell Halaf, the type site of the Halaf culture, and Göbekli Tepe is about 200 km west.
The same paper puts a timing problem to its own side. Under Ussher the 106 years between Flood and Babel must hold an 80 m fall in sea level, the drying of Babylon and a 600 km migration: "This seems like a very unlikely scenario to have taken place within 106 years."24 The Septuagint's 531 years would help, but "no Ice Age model for this timeline has been produced."24 Thirteen years later Eric J. Tweedy, in the same journal, reached the opposite result: the Oard Ice Age model "most likely is not compatible with the Masoretic Text and secular settlement traditions for northern Europe without substantial changes", while "Using the Septuagint timeline, Oard's model can be aligned both with the text of Genesis and with the cited settlement traditions without alteration."25 Both say the model is the thing that has to move. It is adjudicated in the Ice Age article, not here.
The Sumerian King List. The list says of the kings before the flood: "5 cities were they; 8 kings reigned their 241,200 years. The Flood swept thereover."26 It is often laid beside Genesis as an independent witness. Its own editor judged otherwise. Jacobsen's note to that line reads "Here ends the secondary section on the antediluvian period which was added to the King List."26 Three manuscripts carry the antediluvian section and four do not,26 and "we cannot doubt that its original setting should be sought in the lore of Eridu(g) and not in the King List."26 The flood line is an import from another Mesopotamian text. Where the list bears on this article is geography: its antediluvian cities include Eridu and Shuruppak, tells with stratified Ubaid levels beneath their historical ones. Raúl López's creationist argument that the 241,200 years and the Genesis 5 ages are the same numbers in different bases is about number-writing, not the Neolithic.27
The flood layers. Woolley's deposit at Ur is the most cited physical evidence for the Flood in Mesopotamia, and Woolley's own words are the answer: "so far from the disaster being universal some at least of the local centres of civilisation survived it."28 Lambert and Millard, editing the Babylonian flood epic: "Several ancient sites have revealed flood layers separating strata of different civilizations. Presumably at various sites and on several occasions floods did wipe out the existing culture… (The present writers do not belong to that school which relates flood stories all over the world to one prehistoric cosmic disaster.)"29 Lambert and Millard's "at various sites and on several occasions" is the point: one year-long global Flood cannot be several deposits that leave the neighbouring towns occupied. Woolley's own stratigraphy puts his deposit between hand-made al 'Ubaid pottery below and wheel-made pottery above, so it sits inside the Mesopotamian sequence rather than beneath it. Mallowan's 1964 "Noah's Flood Reconsidered", the standard treatment of the Kish and Shuruppak layers, was not read, so no claim is made here about the height or date of those two.
Objections and responses
"The dates are all radiocarbon, and radiocarbon assumes a steady-state atmosphere that the Flood would have broken." This is the creationist position at its strongest, and it is a real argument about calibration. It belongs to the radiocarbon article and to Egypt and the Flood Date, which shows that no published creationist recalibration curve exists. Here the answer is narrower. The counted building levels, the measured house lives, the 132 tree rings between two Çatalhöyük timbers and the superposition at Jericho use no radiocarbon. A model that breaks radiocarbon still has to fit 850 to 1,700 years of building levels into 330.
"Tells are mud-brick rubble. Bar-Yosef says so. They pile up fast." Correct, and conceded in Part 3 with the arithmetic. The problem is that at Çatalhöyük houses measurably did not fall every decade. They stood 50 to 100 years and had to be braced to manage it, and two timbers from adjoining levels are 132 tree rings apart. Depth was never the argument.
"The plaster counts are soft, and you admit it." They are, and this article counts no years from them. Hodder's 2012 text calls the replastering "annual, seasonal and monthly", and the 1999 claim that Building 1's forty coats were annual cites a chapter that says nothing about plaster. That is why Part 4 rests on the house lives and the tree rings instead. Dropping the plaster counts makes the answer longer, not shorter: the floor rises from 680 years to 850.
"The excavators got Göbekli Tepe wrong for twenty years. Why trust them on anything?" They did, and they said so in print. But every correction Clare reports lengthens the site's life. A single ritual burial would have been the short reading; the revision replaces it with five centuries of rebuilding and a village on top. A critic who cites the reversal has to accept its direction. And this article applies the same rule to itself in Part 4, where a mainstream citation of twenty-seven years' standing turns out not to support what it is cited for.
"Osgood showed that Halaf, Samarra and Ubaid II are contemporary. Sequence is an illusion." He showed that neighbouring cultures overlap by a few centuries. Jericho's column has Natufian under PPNA under PPNB under Pottery Neolithic under Chalcolithic under Early Bronze. No regional overlap makes the bottom of that column the same age as the top.
"The Septuagint fixes this." It buys 780 years. That is 23% of the gap at Çatalhöyük, 11% at Göbekli Tepe and 8% at Shubayqa. A creationist who adopts the Septuagint gains Egypt's Old Kingdom and does not gain the Neolithic.
"Domestication can be fast. The Soviet fox-farm experiment changed morphology in about 40 generations." This is the best creationist answer to the domestication lag. Belyaev's foxes were tame and visibly altered within about 40 generations of deliberate selection.30 Zeder's lag of 1,000 to 1,500 years is about 300 to 500 goat generations, an order of magnitude more, which fits weaker and less directed selection. What the fox result cannot do is shorten the archaeological lag, which is measured, or supply four to six goat mitochondrial lineages from one ark pair.
Objections to this article's own verdict. Every absolute date in Part 1 is radiocarbon, and radiocarbon needs a calibration curve that is itself a construction. The Çatalhöyük start and end dates are cited at one remove. The 50-to-100-year house life is Hodder's summary figure and he gives no method for it in the chapter cited. The Mesopotamian flood paragraph rests on Woolley and Lambert and Millard, not on Mallowan. The PPNA tower's dating comes from Bar-Yosef's reading of Kenyon's list. None of these gaps is small enough to ignore and none is large enough to move a date by more than a few centuries.
Issues and unanswered questions
- Hodder 1999 cites Kuniholm & Newton for a claim they do not make. The chapter was read for this article. It reports timber chronologies and says nothing about plaster. No later Çatalhöyük publication found here repeats the annual reading, and nobody appears to have checked the citation.
- Matthews 2005, the chapter behind the 450-coat figure, is on JSTOR and was not read. Matthews et al. 1997, same author and same material, supplies the 80-couplet count instead.
- The 50-to-100-year house life has no published method attached. Hodder states it flatly in a four-page summary. It is the number Part 4 leans on hardest and it deserves a primary.
- Bayliss 2015 and Marciniak 2015, the Bayesian start and end models for Çatalhöyük East, are closed and cited through Orton 2018.
- Mallowan 1964 on the Kish and Shuruppak flood layers is unread. It is on JSTOR.
- Karahan Tepe has no open excavation report with a radiocarbon series. Kenyon's Jericho volumes were not read; the fifteen dates come from Bar-Yosef's Table 1. Zeder 2011 is closed; Zeder 2008 stands in.
- No creationist has counted the layers. Not one source found here engages the superimposed levels at any tell, the plaster counts, or the measured house lives. A creationist model would need to show that 17 levels fit into under 330 years, or that the 50 to 100 year house lives are wrong, or that two timbers 132 rings apart can come from a settlement that lasted a few decades.
- No creationist has answered Clare 2020, six years on.
- The population problem is unresolved inside the creationist literature. Osgood needs about 25,000 people at Babel, which he puts about 100 years after the Flood. Carter and Hardy's model passes 1,000 at that point only under favourable settings.
- The Flood horizon is unlocated at every tell. See Part 4.
Verdict
The Near Eastern Neolithic does not fit between any Genesis Flood date and Abraham, and the reason is not radiocarbon. Göbekli Tepe's wall plaster is 6,000 to 7,200 years before the Flood on any text. Jericho's column carries 8,000 years of stratified occupation beneath the Flood horizon and no break at it. Çatalhöyük's seventeen building levels at a measured 50 to 100 years each give 850 to 1,700 years for one mound against 330 for the world, and two of its timbers are 132 tree rings apart, with no radiocarbon in either count. Goats took a thousand years to look domestic after people began keeping them. The Septuagint closes about a tenth of the distance.
What the young-earth side gets right is not nothing. Tell depth proves nothing on its own, and the arithmetic here says so before anyone else does. The first-temple reading, the ritual backfilling, Schmidt's three layers and Kenyon's fortress were all wrong or are contested, and the excavators said so themselves. Cox read the radiocarbon paper, Habermehl's model is falsifiable, and Osgood saw in 1986 that the question was the rate of tell formation.
What an honest young-earth position looks like. Say that the objection is to the radiocarbon calibration and that no creationist curve yet exists. Say that the Çatalhöyük level counts and Clare 2020 are unanswered. Name the stratum that is the Flood at Jericho, or say that nobody has. Give one date for Göbekli Tepe with a method, rather than four without one. And repeat Osgood's own sentence, still true forty years on: "It is impossible at this point in time to give an accurate assessment of the time taken for the build-up of these strata."
Companion pages
- The literature — every source consulted and which way it cuts.
- Quarantine — the claims held back, and why.
- Egypt and the Flood Date — the Old Kingdom, and why no creationist recalibration curve exists.
- Radiocarbon — the calibration curve, the plateaus, and the post-Flood depletion argument.
- The Ice Age — the model Habermehl and Tweedy disagree about.
- Jericho and the Conquest — Late Bronze Jericho, 7,000 years above the tower.
- Mesopotamian Absolute Chronology — the eclipse-anchored first millennium.
Sources
- 1.
Kuniholm, Peter I., and Maryanne W. Newton. “Interim dendrochronological progress report 1995/6.” On the Surface: Çatalhöyük 1993–95 (Çatalhöyük Research Project 1; British Institute at Ankara Monograph 22), 345–348. Cambridge and London: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research and BIAA. Edited by Ian Hodder. 1997. Chapter 17. An interim report, in a volume of excavation studies, on dating the timbers from Çatalhöyük by counting their tree rings (dendrochronology). The article uses it for the one result that gives a length of time: two timbers from levels VII and VIB are at least 132 years apart.
- 1a.
Page 345: “The terminal year for CTL-16 at relative year 1437 is 132 years earlier than the last preserved ring (relative year 1569) of CTL-6 from level VIB. This tells us that the difference, in calendar years, between the two timbers is at least 132 years, and suggests that the life span of level VII and part of VIB is likewise at least 132 years.” ↩ ↩ ↩
- 1b.
Page 345: “With completion of the analysis of the carbonized wood from the 1960s' excavations, we have built a 570 year tree-ring chronology for the site, against which chronologies from the renewed excavations, as well as chronologies from roughly contemporary sites, can be compared. … The 570 year tree-ring chronology, with a possible 60 year extension on the early end, is internally well replicated, comprising nine trees from proveniences spanning Mellaart's levels IV through VII.” ↩
- 1c.
Page 345: “Note, however, that with the absence of bark the end dates for the different levels are not in fall-back order as one might expect.” ↩
- 1d.
Page 347: “Since our dendrochronology of the eastern Mediterranean is not complete back to the eighth millennium, and we cannot yet convert our relative dating system to calendar years, we have submitted a series of decadal samples from the Catalhöyük chronology to the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometry) Laboratory at the University of Arizona for wiggle-matching against the radiocarbon curve.” ↩
- 1e.
The chapter runs to four printed pages and is about tree-ring chronologies built from charcoal timbers. Nowhere in the volume is a correlation between plaster coats and tree rings made. The only replastering discussion in the volume is in chapter 15, which asks whether floors and walls were replastered at the same frequency and finds no conclusive evidence. Hodder's claim that the plaster coats are annual is cited to this chapter, which says nothing about plaster. ↩ ↩
- 1a.
- 2.
Osgood, A. J. M. “A Better Model for the Stone Age.” EN Tech. J. (now Journal of Creation) 2:88–102. 1986. A creationist article that tries to fit the whole Stone Age, everything before the end of the Chalcolithic (the copper-using period) in the Middle East, into the years after the Flood. Osgood gives that period 330 years, from 2,200 BC, the date he assigns to Babel, to 1,870 BC, the date he assigns to Abraham's entry into Canaan. The article uses it as the fullest creationist attempt at this, and quotes its statements about the period and its rejection of radiocarbon and tree-ring dating.
- 2a.
Section A better model - Bibilical chronology of the stone age: “However, all the rest of the civilizations of the ancient world will have to be seen as post-Flood and post-Babel, and therefore after 2,200 B.C. Consequently, on the biblical model, any other civilization outside of Mesopotamia, with the possible exception of small areas along the route between Ararat and Sumer, would have to be dated from 2,200 B.C. until 1,870 B.C. for a stone age period, that is, for all that is embraced within the Paleolithic to the end of the Chalcolithic, wherever such a relative chronology can be applied satisfactorily.” ↩ ↩
- 2b.
Section Palestine: “For this period the Bible allows from Babel to Abraham (in Canaan), that is, from 2,200 B.C. to 1870 B.C. or 330 years.” ↩
- 2c.
Section Carbon-14 dating: “Carbon-14 (or radiocarbon) dating in particular assumes that the influx and outflow of carbon-14 atoms into and out of the biosphere is in equilibrium. This simply is not so, and that alone invalidates the method.” ↩
- 2d.
Section Dendrochronology, or tree-ring dating: “Dendrochronology, in fact, is so shot through with assumptions that it is surprising that anyone dared to present it as a scientific test.” ↩
- 2e.
Section The pond ripple effect: In the paragraph beside Figure 3: “The Paleolithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic could well be contemporary, and might simply be an indication of the different conditions and the different environment and distance from the centre point available to each of the different cultures.” ↩
- 2f.
Section A wet middle east and heavy strata build-up: The second-to-last paragraph of the section. It gives the average expectation for a casually built house of dried mud brick at Jarmo, in northeastern Iraq, as 15 years. The Jarmo house-life figure carries Osgood's reference marker 14, to Braidwood. The section sits under the heading "Deep strata - how long?", which precedes it. ↩
- 2g.
Section A better model - Bibilical chronology of the stone age, figure 2: The caption paragraph to Figure 2. “the period from the Flood until the early years of Abraham, if we count the latter at 1,870 B.C., is approximately 432 years. However, Genesis 10:35 against the Genesis 11 genealogy suggests that the catastrophe of Babel may well have been in the fourth generation born after the Flood, which we may approximate to about 100 years. Therefore, we are allowing a post-Babel period until the end of the stone age of 332 years.” ↩
- 2h.
Section A wet middle east and heavy strata build-up: The last paragraph of the section. “It is impossible at this point in time to give an accurate assessment of the time taken for the build-up of these strata. Long periods of time that have artificially been assigned to them simply cannot be sustained on any present evidence.” ↩ ↩
- 2a.
- 3.
Clare, Lee. “Göbekli Tepe, Turkey. A brief summary of research at a new World Heritage Site (2015–2019).” e-Forschungsberichte des DAI (Faszikel 2):81–88. 2020. A research report by Lee Clare, who heads the Göbekli Tepe project of the German Archaeological Institute together with R. Eichmann. It covers excavation of deep soundings from 2015 to 2019 and a re-reading of two decades of older records, and it argues that the popular picture of the site as a temple needs revising. The article uses it for the excavators' own retractions and for their dating of the buildings.
- 3a.
Section 1, page 82: “Göbekli Tepe (~9.500–8.000 calBC) is a prehistoric site in Southeast Turkey that dates back to an early stage in the transition from hunter-gathering to farming economies in the Near East.” ↩
- 3b.
Section 4: “it was the archaeologists themselves who delivered and subsequently cultivated the now popular opinion that Göbekli Tepe is the site of the »World's First Temples«.” ↩ ↩
- 3c.
Section 4: “New insights from several deep-soundings excavated in the reporting period for the anchor points of the two recently constructed protective shelters have exposed the weaknesses of the temple-narrative, meaning that a revision of the popular scientific view is now unavoidable”. ↩
- 3d.
Section 5: A deep sounding found. “a series of round-oval structures in an agglutinative arrangement”. on or just above bedrock, with hearths and bead production, “most likely coinciding with the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A (PPNA ~9.500–8.700 calBC)”. Section 7: In the EPPNB. “domestic activities continued”. “point[ing] to a dense domestic occupation at the site in the EPPNB”. ↩
- 3e.
Section 10: Radiocarbon was run on. “organic residues from the mud-mortar of the buildings (which have proven far more homogeneous than those made previously on samples from their fill)”. ↩
- 3f.
Section 10: The mortar dates show: “that these multi-phase structures were much longer-lived than previously acknowledged; indeed, in some cases their final building phases are consistent with a construction date around the mid-ninth millennium calBC, which is in excess of five centuries after their initial foundation.” ↩ ↩
- 3g.
Section 10: “there is now a clear chronological overlap of the round-oval special buildings (Layer III after Schmidt; PPNA; ~9.500–8.700 calBC) and the rectangular structures (Layer II after Schmidt; EPPNB; ~8.700–8.200 calBC).” ↩
- 3h.
Section 11: “While previous conclusions postulated an intentional (ritually-motivated) backfilling of these structures at the close of their active use-lives as buildings, a review of the available evidence now suggests an inundation by displaced archaeological deposits from adjacent higher-lying knolls and slopes of the mound. This interpretation explains … the heterogeneity of previous radiocarbon measurements made on organic samples from this matrix.” ↩
- 3a.
- 4.
Dietrich, Oliver et al. “Establishing a Radiocarbon Sequence for Göbekli Tepe. State of Research and New Data.” Neo-Lithics 1/13:36–41. 2013. A paper in Neo-Lithics, the newsletter of Southwest Asian Neolithic research, giving the radiocarbon dates for Göbekli Tepe. It warns that dates from pedogenic carbonate, lime that forms in the soil, ran too young, and it gives a wall-plaster date as the better sample. The article uses it for the wall-plaster date, which it treats as dating the building itself.
- 4a.
Page 36: Sample KIA-44149, wall plaster of Enclosure D between pillars 41 and 42. “gives a date of 9984 ± 42 ¹⁴C-BP (9745-9314 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level)”. ↩ ↩
- 4b.
Table 1: UGAMS-10795/96/99, Enclosure D charcoal at bedrock, 9960–9990 ± 30 BP, cluster 9664–9311 cal BC; KIA-44701, Enclosure D fill, cattle-tooth collagen, 9800 ± 120 BP, 9746–8818 cal BC; UGAMS-10798, Layer III north of Enclosure D, 9540 ± 30 BP, 9127–8763 cal BC. ↩
- 4c.
Page 36: The data are the pedogenic-carbonate determinations. The whole preceding paragraph is about dating the architecture with pedogenic carbonates, and the wall-plaster date of 9984 ± 42 follows three sentences later on the same page. The passage runs across the column break, and the sentence beginning "At most" comes between the "Therefore" sentence and "A far better source". “Although the observed archaeological stratigraphy is confirmed by the relative sequence of the data, absolute ages are clearly too young, with Layer III being pushed into the 9th millennium, and Layer II producing ages from the 8th or even 7th millennia calBC. Therefore, the data fail to provide absolute chronological points of reference for architecture and strata. At most they serve as a terminus ante quem for the backfilling of the enclosures (Layer III) and the abandonment of the site (Layer II). A far better source of organic remains for the direct dating of architectural structures is the wall plaster used in the enclosures.” ↩ ↩
- 4d.
Page 36: “gives a date of 9984 ± 42 ¹⁴C-BP (9745-9314 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level)”. Page 38: “sample IGAS-2658 (8880 ± 60 ¹⁴C-BP, 8241-7795 calBC at the 95.4% confidence level)”. ↩
- 4a.
- 5.
Arranz-Otaegui, Amaia et al. “Archaeobotanical evidence reveals the origins of bread 14,400 years ago in northeastern Jordan.” PNAS 115(31):7925–7930. Jul 31, 2018. A study of charred plant remains from the Shubayqa 1 camp in Jordan, a Natufian hunter-gatherer site. Seven radiocarbon dates on short-lived seeds from inside the fireplaces put their use at about 14,400 years ago. The article uses it as the extreme case, dated on short-lived seeds.
- 5a.
“Seven radiocarbon dates of short-lived charred plant remains from within the fireplaces indicate their use around 14.4–14.2 ka cal BP, which corresponds with the early Natufian period.” ↩ ↩
- 5b.
“Shubayqa 1 is a hunter-gatherer site dated to the early and late Natufian (from 14.6 to 11.6 ka cal BP)”. ↩
- 5c.
“cereal-made products such as bread were probably not routinely consumed foodstuffs or dietary staples during the Natufian. The exploitation of cereals increased gradually between 11.5 and 9 ka cal BP”. ↩
- 5a.
- 6.
Wang, Xiaoran et al. “Isotopic and proteomic evidence for communal stability at Pre-Pottery Neolithic Jericho in the Southern Levant.” Scientific Reports 13:16360. 2023. A study of isotopes in the enamel of 52 human teeth from Pre-Pottery Neolithic layers of Jericho, used to test diet and movement. Only two of the 44 sampled inhabitants identified by strontium were non-local, which the authors read as consistent with a largely sedentary community and no large-scale migration. The article uses it because its authors had no stake in the Flood argument and describe Jericho as occupied without apparent breaks.
- 6a.
Section Introduction: “ancient Jericho records over 10,000 years of human history, from the Late Natufian (10,500–8500 BC) to the Ottoman period (1516–1918 AD), without any apparent significant breaks in occupation”. A summary sentence that cites Kenyon's excavation volumes. It conflicts with Bar-Yosef's Natufian-to-PPNA gap. ↩ ↩
- 6a.
- 7.
Nigro, Lorenzo, and Jehad Yasine. “Interim Report on the Excavations at Tell es-Sultan, Ancient Jericho (2019–2023): The Bronze and Iron Age Cities.” Vicino Oriente XXIX:47–96. 2024. An interim excavation report on the Bronze and Iron Age cities at Tell es-Sultan, the mound of ancient Jericho, covering the years 2019 to 2023. Its Table 1 gives the dated periods of the mound from the Late Natufian to the Iron Age. The article uses that table to place the Flood dates against the layers of the mound.
- 7a.
Table 1, page 48: The table gives: Sultan Ia, Epipaleolithic (Late Natufian), 10500–8800 BC; Ib, PPNA, 8800–7500 BC; Ic, PPNB, 7500–6300/6000 BC; IIa, PNA, 6300/6000–5300 BC; IIb, PNB, 5300–4300 BC; IIc, Chalcolithic, 4300–3500 BC; IIIa1, EB IA, 3500–3300; IIIa2, EB IB, 3300–3050; IIIb1, EB IIA, 3050–2850; IIIb2, EB IIB, 2850–2700; IIIc1, EB IIIA, 2700–2500; IIIc2, EB IIIB, 2500–2300; IIId1, EB IVA, 2300–2200; IIId2, EB IVB, 2200–2000; then Middle Bronze 2000–1550, Late Bronze 1550–1200/1190, and the Iron Age. The paper defers the PPNA tower to. “a forthcoming dedicated study”. ↩ ↩ ↩
- 7a.
- 8.
Hodder, Ian. “Çatalhöyük. A Summary of Recent Work Concerning Architecture.” Festschrift for Ahmet A. Tirpan, 303–314. Istanbul: Ege Yayınları. Edited by B. Söğüt. 2012. A summary, by Ian Hodder of Stanford University, of recent excavation work on the architecture of Çatalhöyük. It says each new house was built on the lower walls of the one before, and that floors and wall plasters were resurfaced on an annual or even monthly basis, with up to 450 layers within 10 cm of a wall. The article uses it for how long houses stood, how often they were rebuilt and how many plaster coats they carried.
- 8a.
Page 305: “Matthews (2005) has shown that the main room in Building 5 had over 450 fine white silty clay plasters on the walls, whereas adjacent rooms were only plastered 3-4 times with orange and brown silt loam plasters.” ↩
- 8b.
Page 305: “The frequent (annual, seasonal and monthly – Matthews 2005) replastering of the walls may have been necessary to maintain the light reflection in the main rooms.” ↩
- 8c.
Page 306: “Many houses were lived in for 50-100 years. The people of Çatalhöyük had great problems keeping the buildings standing for this long as the mud brick walls made of smectitic clay tended to lean and bend.” ↩ ↩
- 8d.
Page 306: “Other buildings were replaced in the same location, using the same layout of walls over 4-6 rebuilds.” ↩
- 8a.
- 9.
Zeder, Melinda A. “Domestication and early agriculture in the Mediterranean Basin: Origins, diffusion, and impact.” PNAS 105(33):11597–11604. Aug 19, 2008. A review article by a Smithsonian archaeobiologist whose own study of animal bones finds little support for the idea that domestication automatically shrinks managed animals. It argues that evidence for herd management and crop cultivation appears at least 1,000 years before the morphological changes traditionally used to document domestication. The article uses it to show that domestication is a rate as well as a date.
- 9a.
“Application of this approach to archaeological assemblages from Iraq and Iran has identified the clear signature of a managed herd of goats (harvesting of young males and prolonged survivorship of females) at the site of Ganj Dareh in highland Iran. Directly dated to 9,900 B.P., the goats from this site show no evidence of size reduction or any other domestication-induced morphological change.” ↩ ↩
- 9b.
“all four major livestock species coming under management over a period from ca. 11,000 to 10,000 B.P. … Clear-cut morphological responses to domestication (i.e., changes in horns in bovids and tooth size in pigs) are not evident in these four livestock species until ca. 9,500–9,000 B.P.” ↩
- 9c.
“This period of intensified plant management dates at least as far back as ca. 12,000 B.P., with morphological markers of crop domestication (i.e., nonshattering seed heads in cereals) not well established until ca. 10,500 B.P.” ↩
- 9d.
“in both of these livestock species there are at least four and, in the case of goats, as many as six, genetically distinguishable domestic lineages, or haplotypes. … Genetic data for taurine cattle have identified five different domestic haplotypes, at least three and possibly four of which originated in the Fertile Crescent.” ↩
- 9a.
- 10.
Habermehl, Anne. “Gӧbekli Tepe: Why Does This Site Fascinate?” creationsixdays.net. Dec 2015. A site-visit essay by Anne Habermehl, written after an October 2015 visit with the acting dig director, Lee Clare. It argues that the site's age and its pillar engineering do not fit the secular evolutionary view, and it dates the start of building from when she puts the end of the Ice Age, before the Nile Delta formed. The article uses it as one of the four creationist dates it lists for the site.
- 11.
Habermehl, Anne. “A Creationist View of Gӧbekli Tepe: Timeline and Other Considerations.” Proceedings of the Eighth International Conference on Creationism, 7–13. Pittsburgh: Creation Science Fellowship. Edited by J. H. Whitmore. 2018. A paper for the Eighth International Conference on Creationism, by an independent scholar. It places the conventional dates of Gӧbekli Tepe onto the Masoretic and Septuagint timelines, using the end of the Neanderthals, the end of the Pleistocene, the formation of the Nile Delta and Abraham's visit to Egypt. The article calls it the most serious creationist treatment of the site in print, and uses it to test the timing claim.
- 11a.
Page 7: “Scholars consider this ancient date of Gӧbekli Tepe to be solid, with carbon dating backing up their other dating”. ↩
- 11b.
Section Conclusions, page 11: “It is proposed that the Gӧbekli Tepe site was most likely founded somewhat more than 100 years before Abraham's visit to Egypt (Masoretic timeline) or, alternatively, about 250 years before Abraham's visit to Egypt (Septuagintal timeline).” ↩
- 11c.
Page 10: “In Fig. 3 we see that Gӧbekli Tepe was built about 210 years after Babel (MT); in Fig. 4 it was built about 400 years after Babel (LXX).” ↩
- 11d.
Page 10: “The two thousand conventional years claimed for the time that Gӧbekli Tepe was in process of being built, from its founding to its abandonment, becomes a very small number on our biblical timeline. From Fig. 3 (MT), we see that there is as little as 25 years allowed for the building of the entire Gӧbekli Tepe site before its abandonment. Figure 4 (LXX) shows about 50 years. Either way, the building pace would have been much faster than conventional scholars would have us believe.” ↩ ↩
- 11e.
Page 8: The 1.76 million figure is Habermehl's data point for the earliest Acheulean tools, taken from Schick and Toth 2012, p. 267. “The Babel dispersion is therefore about 1.76 million years ago on the conventional timeline.” ↩
- 11f.
Page 9: “We emphasize that placement of these data points on the conventional timelines is approximate, and therefore the conclusions that are drawn from these figures are not precise. This is because we do not have the necessary data for precision.” Page 12: “we can only make approximations in biblical dating of monuments like Gӧbekli Tepe because we do not currently have the needed precise data to do otherwise. Further work in this area is needed.” ↩
- 11a.
- 12.
Lacey, Troy, and Avery Foley. “Ancient Apocalypse Part 2: 'What the Sites Mean in a Biblical Worldview'.” Answers in Genesis. Feb 21, 2023. A movie review by two Answers in Genesis writers of the series Ancient Apocalypse, taken episode by episode. It gives biblical-timeline dates for the sites that the series' narrator, Graham Hancock, visits. The article uses it as the creationist side's printed date for Göbekli Tepe.
- 12a.
Section Episode 5: Legacy of the Sages: “Göbekli Tepe is an impressive site and is considered to be one of the earliest post-Babel sites. Whether it was a city or just a ceremonial center is unknown and debated. … Conventionally dated between 9500 and 8000 BC, which Hancock seems to agree with, they can be dated to about 2150–1900 BC in a biblical timeline (early post-Babel).” ↩ ↩
- 12b.
Section Episode 5: Legacy of the Sages: “The next stop is Karahan Tepe, 29 miles (46 km) east of Göbekli Tepe. This site also features T-shaped pillars and is dated to roughly the same time, 9500–8,000 BC (and the same biblical timeframe of 2150–1900 BC).” ↩
- 12a.
- 13.
Cox, Gavin. “Do claimed dates for Göbekli Tepe and the Lost City of Dwarka outdate the Bible's timeline?” Creation Ministries International. Dec 23, 2021. A reply by Gavin Cox, of the creationist group Creation Ministries International, to a reader's question about the dates of Göbekli Tepe and Dwarka. It discusses the 2013 radiocarbon series of Dietrich and colleagues at length, quotes four of its caveats, and argues that the site is a post-Flood settlement. The article uses it as the only creationist piece it found that engages that series directly.
- 13a.
“When all these dating issues for Göbekli Tepe are assessed without the baggage of uniformitarian thinking, this Neolithic site fits comfortably within the historical constraints of Genesis as a post-Flood settlement.” ↩
- 13b.
“Göbekli Tepe exists within a progression of successive post-Flood history up to and possibly after Babel (Genesis 10:25; 11:1, biblically dated at c. 140–200 years after the Flood) there is therefore no missing millennia of construction or technology development.” Elsewhere in the same article the Tower of Babel is dated: “occurred around 2,500 BC”. ↩ ↩
- 13c.
“in a 2013 paper published in the archaeological journal Neo-Lithics by Dietrich et al., the stratigraphy of the site is divided into three major sequences (I–III) and the oldest sections dated to the mid-10th millennium BC on the basis of eleven ¹⁴C samples taken from progressively deeper excavations. The samples analysed were mostly charcoal, but also included a wall plaster sample, collagen from a cattle tooth, and humic acids from a soil sample. These gave a range of dates of 9,990±30 years to 8,880±60 years BC”. ↩
- 13d.
Cox quotes Dietrich and colleagues: “the data fail to provide absolute chronological points of reference for architecture and strata”. ↩
- 13e.
Cox quotes Dietrich and colleagues on the backfill: “poses severe problems for the dating of this layer using the radiocarbon method, as organic remains from the fill-sediments could be older or younger than the enclosures… thus producing an inverse stratigraphy”. ↩
- 13a.
- 14.
Bar-Yosef, Ofer. “The Walls of Jericho: An Alternative Interpretation.” Current Anthropology 27(2):157–162. Apr 1986. A reexamination of the Neolithic walls and tower at Jericho by Ofer Bar-Yosef of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, using the final excavation reports of Kenyon's dig. He reads the walls as a defence against floods and mudflows rather than as fortifications, and he gives the tower's measurements and the radiocarbon dates for its building stages. The article uses it because it is the data and reading of a mainstream archaeologist who is not a creationist: the tower's size, its radiocarbon dates, and his account of how tells build up.
- 14a.
Page 157: “The tower, placed inside the perimeter of the settlement, was 8.2 m high (ca. 9 m in diameter at the base and 7 m at the top) and built of undressed stones. It had a staircase leading to the top with 22 steps built of dressed slabs.” ↩
- 14b.
Page 157: “The tower was an extremely heavy structure (about 1,000 tons) and probably experienced differential subsidence of the underlying slippery marl. There is clear archaeological evidence that it had to be repaired at this stage.” ↩
- 14c.
Table 1, page 159: Fifteen radiocarbon determinations with lab numbers, tied to Kenyon's Trench I stages. The column head reads "14C DATE B.C.", and these are uncalibrated radiocarbon years in the old convention, in which the figure is the measured radiocarbon age minus 1950. The determinations are BM-106 8350 ± 200, BM-105 8300 ± 200, P-378 7825 ± 110, BM-1327 7610 ± 65, BM-1322 7430 ± 85, BM-250 8350 ± 500, BM-251 7440 ± 150, P-379 7705 ± 84, BM-1323 7430 ± 85, BM-1787 7330 ± 100, BM-1321 7280 ± 80, BM-1326 7280 ± 220, BM-152 7330 ± 150, BM-110 8230 ± 200, BM-1789 7250 ± 70. ↩
- 14d.
Page 157: “The available ¹⁴C dates indicate that the construction occurred between 8300 B.C. and 7800 B.C., which may mean around 8000 B.C. as estimated by Kenyon.” Uncalibrated. Calibration moves these figures about a millennium older. ↩
- 14e.
Page 157: “The oldest remains at Jericho are dated to the Natufian culture… Then, following a gap of nearly a millennium (ca. 9200–8350 B.C.), the site was settled by one of the early farming communities.” ↩
- 14f.
Page 159: “the archaeological record as shown in the deep stratigraphies of many tell sites (such as Mureybet, Abu Hureyra, Bouqras, Ramad, Asswad, Jericho, Ain Ghazal, and Netiv Hagdud) was mainly formed by the natural collapse and subsequent rebuilding of adobe or mud-brick houses. The noncontemporary erection of mud houses (sometimes on stone foundations) created what is known in archaeological jargon as 'spiral stratigraphy'”. ↩
- 14g.
Page 160: “it seems that both PPNA and PPNB periods had more favourable climatic conditions than today… Geomorphological evidence supports this general picture and indicates that the 7th millennium B.C. was wetter than the previous or following ones”. ↩
- 14h.
Page 161: “while the height of PPNA deposits in other parts of the mound is 3.5–4.5 m, in the area of the tower the total thickness amounts to 8.5 m (including the so-called Proto-Neolithic).” ↩
- 14i.
Page 161: “Given all the available data, it seems that a plausible alternative interpretation for the Neolithic walls of Jericho is that they were built in stages as a defense system against floods and mudflows.” ↩
- 14a.
- 15.
Orton, David et al. “A tale of two tells: dating the Çatalhöyük West Mound.” Antiquity 92(363):620–639. 2018. A dating study of the West Mound at Çatalhöyük, one of the two mounds the site is made of. It uses new dates to argue that the two mounds were occupied together for a time, from the late seventh millennium BC, which challenges older models of a gap or a sudden switch between them. The article uses it for the chronology of the East Mound and for the overlap between the mounds.
- 15a.
Page 624: “Dating has concentrated on the higher southern eminence, where a 21m sequence divided into 'levels', XII (earliest) to 0 (latest), by Mellaart (1964), with the later addition of four 'pre-XII' levels (Cessford 2001), probably represents almost the entire duration of occupation. Based on 26 radiocarbon dates from levels XII–II, Mellaart (1978: 13) estimated an occupation of c. 7100–6300 BC. While his start date has proved remarkably accurate (Bayliss et al. 2015), subsequent research has pushed the undated final levels steadily towards the end of the seventh millennium”. ↩
- 15b.
Page 624: Quoting Marciniak et al. 2015: 172–73. “Abandonment of the latest-known domestic building (building 33) is now securely dated to 6015–5905 BC at 95% probability… while cessation of occupation is estimated as 5975–5865 BC at 95% probability”. ↩
- 15c.
Page 635: For the West Mound's end, p. 630 dates two intercutting pits in trench 2 with Early Chalcolithic II pottery "from 5860–5730 to 5600–5485 BC at 68.2% (6025–5665 to 5625–5320 at 95.4%)". “Taking these points together, we propose a significant period of co-existence between the two tells, although we cannot reliably estimate its duration without excavation down to the natural sediments in a non-peripheral area of the West Mound. A conservative estimate of c. 6100 BC for the start of occupation implies an overlap of up to two centuries.” ↩
- 15a.
- 16.
Smith, Alexia et al. “Epipalaeolithic animal tending to Neolithic herding at Abu Hureyra, Syria (12,800–7,800 calBP): Deciphering dung spherulites.” PLOS ONE 17(9):e0272947. 2022. A study of dung spherulites from Abu Hureyra, a site in Syria, with a phase table for the site's occupation dated by radiocarbon calibrated on IntCal20. It finds that spherulite concentrations dropped abruptly when sheep and goat herding overtook gazelle hunting. The article uses its phase table for the site's dates and its date for the shift from hunting to herding.
- 16a.
Table phase table: “1A 13,300–12,800 Epipalaeolithic; 1B 12,800–12,300 Epipalaeolithic; 1C 12,300–11,400 Epipalaeolithic; Intermediate 11,400–10,600 Early Neolithic; 2A 10,600–9,300 Pre-Pottery Neolithic B; 2B 9,300–8,000 Pre-Pottery Neolithic B; 2C 8,000–7,800 Late Neolithic”. The table caption says. “Approximate date ranges reflect radiocarbon dates calibrated using IntCal20”. ↩
- 16b.
“Spherulite concentrations dropped abruptly during Neolithic 2B (9,300–8,000 calBP) and 2C (8,000–7,800 calBP), when sheep/goat herding surpassed gazelle hunting”. ↩
- 16a.
- 17.
Carter, Robert A., and Graham Philip. “Deconstructing the Ubaid.” Beyond the Ubaid: Transformation and Integration in the Late Prehistoric Societies of the Middle East (Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization 63). Chicago: Oriental Institute. Edited by Robert A. Carter and Graham Philip. 2010. The first chapter of an edited volume of papers from a 2006 workshop at the University of Durham on the late prehistoric societies of the Middle East. It questions how the Ubaid period is defined and dated. The article uses it for the editors' point that the term is not consistently defined.
- 17a.
Page 2: “Despite the widespread acceptance of these numerical divisions, in the case of absolute chronology the term 'Ubaid period' is not consistently defined. Radiometric data suggest that the whole southern Mesopotamian Ubaid period, including Ubaid 0 and 5, is of immense duration, spanning nearly three millennia from about 6500 to 3800 b.c.” ↩
- 17b.
Page 2: “The cultural trajectory of other regions is different, however, resulting in a much shorter Ubaid period. … Thus, for some areas, the Ubaid period runs only from about 5300 to 4300 b.c.” ↩
- 17a.
- 18.
Osgood, A. J. M. “A Better Model for the Stone Age, Part 2.” EN Tech. J. / Journal of Creation. n.d. The second part of Osgood's creationist model of the Stone Age. It works out how many people could have been alive at Babel from the family sizes and ages given in Genesis 10 and 11, and it matches the early cultures to the nations of Genesis 10. The article tests its population figure against Carter and Hardy's creationist population model.
- 18a.
Section Population potential: “then we would see approximately 12,500 male people alive at the time of Babel (excluding deaths from wars and disease) or a total of around 25,000 human beings”. ↩
- 18b.
Under the closing heading, Conclusion, Osgood turns to the dating of the Mesopotamian Chalcolithic. “All cultures outside of lower Mesopotamia should be POST Babel, that is, after 2,200 B.C.” ↩
- 18a.
- 19.
Carter, Robert, and Chris Hardy. “Modelling biblical human population growth.” Journal of Creation 29(1):72–79. 2015. A creationist computer model, written in C#, of how a small population grows under rules for marriage, child spacing and risk of death. It uses the 2009 US actuarial tables for risk of death, and its abstract says the size of the Babel population remains unknown. The article uses it for the population the model reaches about a century after Babel.
- 19a.
Page 76: "Not likely scenarios" is plural and governs both the >10,000 and the 40,000 cases. “If the division of people occurred only 100 years after the Flood, there would not be many people in the world. However, the data behind the growth rates calculated in figure 4 indicate that under some scenarios it is possible to obtain a population size greater than 1,000 individuals in that much time… up to 40,000 individuals with a minimum CBA of 14, although these are not likely scenarios.” ↩
- 19a.
- 20.
Sanders, Lita, and Robert Carter. “How does Göbekli Tepe fit with biblical history?” Creation Ministries International. Jul 26, 2011. A reply to a reader's question, posted on the website of Creation Ministries International. It says the dates for Göbekli Tepe are wrong and offers only a tentative date soon after the Flood. The article uses it as the first creationist answer to the site.
- 20a.
“Our response to that is the same as the dates that put the earliest Egyptian pyramids before the biblical date for the Flood and those that claim dinosaurs died out 65 million years ago— the dates are wrong. In this case the dates are based on carbon dating, something we've written much about previously.” ↩
- 20b.
“We would agree though that it's probably one of the earliest big human monuments we have—a tentative dating would put it soon after the Flood.” ↩
- 20c.
“hunter-gatherer societies don't have the specialization of labor necessary to free up workers for something of this scale—hunter-gatherers don't build great big monuments, because they're too busy, well, hunting and gathering.” ↩
- 20a.
- 21.
Thomas, Brian. “Oldest Temple Topples Evolutionists' History of Religion.” Institute for Creation Research. Jan 12, 2012. A popular article on the website of the Institute for Creation Research, written by its science writer, Brian Thomas. It argues that the carved pillars at Göbekli Tepe contradict the evolutionary idea that religion came after farming. The article uses it for the one sentence that places the site among the first building sites after the Flood, a sentence that gives no date.
- 21a.
“Biblical history places the cradle of civilization geographically close to where Noah's Ark landed, near the Middle East's Fertile Crescent that includes parts of Turkey. So, it makes sense that Gobekli Tepe was one of the first building sites of post-Flood peoples.” ↩
- 21a.
- 22.
Matthews, Wendy et al. “Multiple surfaces: the micromorphology.” On the Surface: Çatalhöyük 1993–95, 301–342. Cambridge and London: McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research and BIAA. Edited by Ian Hodder. 1997. Chapter 15 of a site volume on the 1993–95 excavations at Çatalhöyük. It examines one 3 cm piece of collapsed wall plaster (sample Ch94.24, from Area E) under a microscope, using micromorphology, the study of thin slices of soil and plaster. The article uses it because the chapter assigns no time span to the layers it counts.
- 22a.
Page 306: “This fragment is only 3 cm thick, but includes 160 layers of plaster. In thin section it is evident that the sequence comprises 80 couplets of plaster consisting of a preparation layer of very pale brown calcareous silty clay and a finishing coat of finer white calcareous silty clay.” ↩
- 22a.
- 23.
Hodder, Ian. “Symbolism at Çatalhöyük.” Proceedings of the British Academy 99:177–191. 1999. A paper on the art and symbolism of Building 1 at Çatalhöyük, the first building the project excavated in detail. It argues that the art was part of the social life of the site. The article quotes it for the claim that the replastering on Building 1 was annual, and questions that claim.
- 23a.
Page 180: “Up to 40 layers of replastering were found on the walls and floors of Building 1. We believe, on the basis of correlations with dendrochronological sequences, that these replasterings occurred annually (Kuniholm & Newton 1996).” ↩
- 23a.
- 24.
Habermehl, Anne. “Where in the World Is the Tower of Babel?” Answers Research Journal 4:25–53. 2011. A creationist paper in Answers Research Journal, which says its views are the author's and not necessarily those of its editor or of Answers in Genesis. It argues from history, geography and geology that Shinar, where Genesis 11 places Babel, was in northeast Syria rather than the south. The article uses it for the paper's own admission that the timing from the Flood to Babel is hard to fit.
- 24a.
Section Geological Difficulties with placing Babel in Southern Mesopotamia: In the paragraph beginning "In the period immediately after the worldwide Flood". The quoted sentence is about the alluvium of southern Iraq. “is a delta that was formed later on, well after the Babel dispersion, by vast amounts of materials washed down from the Turkish mountains in the north by the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers”. ↩
- 24b.
Section Geological Difficulties with placing Babel in Southern Mesopotamia: In the paragraph beginning "According to the commonly accepted Usshur chronology of the Bible (Usshur 1658, pp. 21–22)". “there are 106 years between the Flood and the Babel dispersion… For the Tower to have been located at Babylon, the following events would have had to have taken place in that period of time: the ocean lowered more than 80 m (262 ft) because of continental ice buildup, the land area at Babylon dried up enough to build a major construction on it, the people migrated south about 600 km (372 miles), they started work on the Tower project, and then dispersed. This seems like a very unlikely scenario to have taken place within 106 years.” ↩
- 24c.
Section Geological Difficulties with placing Babel in Southern Mesopotamia: “The alternative LXX chronology allows 531 years from the Flood to the Babel dispersion/Peleg, but the current creationist Ice Age model as described above does not work for this timeline because the entire ice buildup would have taken place by the time of the Babel dispersion, with the meltdown already starting… Clearly a somewhat different model for the Ice Age would be needed to accommodate the LXX timeline, one that allows for a lot more time between the Flood and the glacial maximum. As of this writing, no Ice Age model for this timeline has been produced.” ↩
- 24a.
- 25.
Tweedy, Eric J. “Oard's Ice Age and Settlement of Northern Europe on Masoretic and Septuagint Timelines.” Answers Research Journal 17:763–783. Dec 11, 2024. A paper in Answers Research Journal, published by Answers in Genesis, that tests Oard's model of a single Ice Age caused by the Flood. It checks the model against the founding of Trier in Germany and the colonization of Ireland, on both the Masoretic and the Septuagint timelines. The article uses it as the later paper in the same journal, which reaches the opposite result to an earlier one on the same model.
- 25a.
Section Conclusion, page 779, left column: “Under the assumptions made here, simple arithmetic shows that the Oard model for the Ice Age most likely is not compatible with the Masoretic Text and secular settlement traditions for northern Europe without substantial changes to the parameters of the model, such as extreme shortening of glacial duration. Using the Septuagint timeline, Oard's model can be aligned both with the text of Genesis and with the cited settlement traditions without alteration.” Every qualifier in the quotation matters: it is Oard's model that fails, and it fails jointly with the settlement traditions, not on its own. Tweedy lists three alternatives that would rescue the Masoretic text without touching it. ↩
- 25a.
- 26.
Jacobsen, Thorkild. “The Sumerian King List.” Assyriological Studies 11. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1939. A critical edition of the Sumerian King List, the list of Sumerian kings and the lengths of their reigns, published by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The article uses it because Jacobsen, the editor, judged that the section on kings before the Flood was a later addition to the list, so it is weaker evidence than it looks when it is laid beside Genesis as an independent witness.
- 26a.
Page 77, column i, lines 33–47: “5 cities were they; 8 kings reigned their 241,200 years. The Flood swept thereover. After the Flood had swept thereover, when the kingship was lowered from heaven the kingship was in Kish.” ↩
- 26b.
Page 77: Jacobsen's footnote 38 to that line reads: “Here ends the secondary section on the antediluvian period which was added to the King List. See pp. 55-68 and esp. p. 64, n. 119.” ↩
- 26c.
Page 56: Printed as a table, sorting the manuscripts into three groups: those with the antediluvian section, those without it, and those where it cannot be determined. “with antediluvian section WB, P₅, K; without antediluvian section P₂, P₃, P₄, Su₁; indefinite P₆, L₁, L₂, S, Su₂, Su₃₊₄, J”. ↩
- 26d.
Page 60: “we cannot doubt that its original setting should be sought in the lore of Eridu(g) and not in the King List.” Page 57: The argument runs over pp. 56–60. On p. 57 Jacobsen observes that the antediluvian tradition. “has an individuality of its own; it is not tied to the King List”. ↩
- 26a.
- 27.
López, Raúl E. “The antediluvian patriarchs and the Sumerian King List.” Journal of Creation 12(3):347–357. 1998. Page 356: The paper argues that the 241,200-year total and the Genesis 5 ages are numerically equivalent when read in their own bases. It credits the observation to Walton, who noticed that the totals are equivalent if the Sumerian list is read in decimal rather than sexagesimal. A creationist paper that compares the eight pre-Flood kings of the Sumerian King List, whose reigns total 241,200 years, with the ten patriarchs of Genesis 5. It works through the numbers in both lists and the number systems they were written in. The article mentions the paper for completeness and does not rely on its numerical argument. ↩
- 28.
Woolley, Leonard. Ur of the Chaldees: A Record of Seven Years of Excavation. Harmondsworth: Penguin. 1950. Woolley's own account of seven years of excavation at Ur. The article uses it because Woolley himself wrote that the disaster was not universal, and that some local centres of civilisation survived it.
- 28a.
Page 17: “so far from the disaster being universal some at least of the local centres of civilisation survived it.” Pages 22–23: Woolley's description of the deposit at Ur, on the same pages: “8 feet of sediment imply a very great depth of water, and the flood which deposited it must have been of a magnitude unparalleled in local history.” ↩
- 28a.
- 29.
Lambert, W. G., and A. R. Millard. Atra-ḫasīs: The Babylonian Story of the Flood. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 1969. A scholarly edition of the Babylonian flood epic, Atra-ḫasīs, by two cuneiform scholars, with an introduction written for readers who are not specialists. The article uses it for the editors' own words on flood layers: they say that several sites show floods that wiped out a culture, and they reject one prehistoric cosmic disaster as the explanation for flood stories.
- 29a.
Pages 16–17: “So far there is no evidence for this tradition of a great flood among the Sumerians of the third millennium… Several ancient sites have revealed flood layers separating strata of different civilizations. Presumably at various sites and on several occasions floods did wipe out the existing culture… (The present writers do not belong to that school which relates flood stories all over the world to one prehistoric cosmic disaster.)” ↩
- 29a.
- 30.
Trut, Lyudmila N. “Early canid domestication: the farm-fox experiment.” American Scientist 87:160–169. 1999. An article in the magazine American Scientist by the head of the research group that runs Belyaev's fox experiment, begun in 1959. Belyaev selected silver foxes for tameness alone from 1959, and the foxes became tame and showed morphological changes within about 40 generations. The article uses it to show that domestication under deliberate selection can be fast. ↩