Does Warming Do More Good or Harm?

So far, mixed: more plant growth and fewer cold deaths against more heat deaths, crop stress and rising seas. The economists who once found a net benefit now find a small net cost. Harms grow faster than the warming, fall hardest on the poor, and outweigh the benefits by 2 to 3 °C.

By AI (Claude Opus 5.5, thinking level unavailable) Draft:  October 2026

"The initially positive impacts have vanished: The central estimate of the economic impact of global warming is always negative." — Richard Tol, the economist whose earlier surveys founded the claim that warming does net good, 20241

"… most models find that human well-being improves because of economic growth with or without warming but improves less with significant warming." — the Cornwall Alliance, the leading evangelical critic of climate alarm, 20092

Summary

The earth has warmed about 1.3 °C since the late 1800s, and current policies point to about 3 °C by 2100.  Has the warming so far done more good or harm, and what would 2 to 3 °C do?  Weighed effect by effect from the measurements, and then through the economic estimates that add them up, the answer is:  so far the effects are small, mixed and of uncertain sign;  the benefits are real but front-loaded;  the harms grow faster than the warming;  and the gains go mostly to cool, rich countries while the losses fall mostly on hot, poor ones.

  1. The benefits are real, and often ignored. Satellites show greening over 25 to 50 % of the world's vegetated land since 1982, which models credit mostly to CO2.3 Cold kills about nine times as many people as heat. On the best global model, the warmer temperatures of 2000–2019 cut cold deaths by roughly 275,000 a year and raised heat deaths by roughly 113,000, a net saving near 160,000, though one of the study's authors cautions that it does not show the change was caused by climate change.456 Do Cold Deaths Outweigh Heat Deaths? weighs that evidence. Frost-free seasons are longer, the cold edge of farming is moving north, and heating bills are lower. The IPCC itself records "positive impacts" in high latitudes and cold extremes that "have become less frequent and less severe".78
  2. The benefits are smaller than the advocates say. Crops grown in open fields gain about half as much from extra CO2 as the greenhouse trials behind the "trillions of dollars" figures,9 and the same CO2 lowers the zinc, iron and protein in wheat and rice.10 The economist whose surveys founded the "net benefit" claim, Richard Tol, now writes that "The initially positive impacts have vanished".1
  3. The harms are real and already measurable. About 37 % of heat deaths in 43 countries are attributable to human-caused warming.11 Climate trends from 1980 to 2008 cut world maize and wheat production by 3.8 and 5.5 %,12 and have slowed the growth of farm productivity.13 Sea level is 20 cm higher than in 1901 and rising 3.7 mm a year.7 Ecosystems carry the clearest one-way risk: the IPCC projects coral reefs to decline by a further 70 to 90 % at 1.5 °C.14
  4. Deaths from weather disasters have fallen enormously. Death rates from droughts, floods and storms fell by more than 90 % in a century, and by a factor of 6.5 since the 1980s.1516 That is a triumph of wealth and adaptation. It says nothing either way about what the climate did.
  5. The economic estimates agree on direction and disagree on size. Sector-by-sector models put the cost of 3 °C at about 2 % of world income;17 studies of how economies respond to hot years put it ten times higher.1819 A prominent 2024 paper claiming a 19 % loss already locked in was retracted by its authors.20 The cost of one more tonne of CO2 ranges from about $20 to $185 depending mainly on the discount rate, which is a moral choice, not a measurement.1721 The estimates are compared in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.
  6. With more warming, the balance turns. The cold saving shrinks as winters warm, while heat deaths and crop losses rise steeply above thresholds. Under a moderate scenario, temperature deaths by 2100 fall in the north and rise in the tropics, for a modest net increase worldwide whose range still includes a net saving; under high warming they rise nearly everywhere.2223 By 2 to 3 °C, every central economic estimate is a net loss. The death projections are followed in Do Cold Deaths Outweigh Heat Deaths?, and the economic estimates in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.
  7. Who wins and who loses is not in doubt. Cool, rich places gain; hot, poor places lose from the start. Both sides concede it.2423
  8. The data cannot settle the policy. How much to pay now to spare people later, how to weigh harm to the poor from warming against harm to the poor from expensive energy, and how much to spend against unlikely catastrophes are questions of value. Evangelicals on both sides appeal to the same texts on stewardship and the poor and reach opposite answers.

What each side should concede.  Those who say warming is good should drop the claim that the benefits will last "for most of this century";  the work it rested on no longer supports it.  Those who say warming is already a catastrophe should drop the claim that there are no benefits;  the IPCC records them.  The evidence supports a narrower statement:  moderate warming so far has had mixed effects that roughly cancel, the balance turns negative somewhere between about 1.5 and 2.5 °C, and the uncertainty in how negative is wide.

Part 1: What each side claims

This article takes two numbers from its sibling articles and does not re-argue them.  The earth has warmed about 1.3 °C since the late 1800s (Is the Earth Warming?), most of it from human emissions (Is the Warming Caused by Humans?).  A doubling of CO2 brings roughly 1.5 to 4 °C in the long run, with the instrumental record pointing to the lower half of that range (How Much Warming Does More CO2 Cause?).  Zeke Hausfather and Glen Peters, two mainstream energy researchers, write that "Assessment of current policies suggests that the world is on course for around 3 °C of warming above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century", and that the highest scenario often used in impact studies was "intended to explore an unlikely high-risk future".25  So the question that matters is what 1.3 °C has done, and what 2 to 3 °C would do.

The case that moderate warming helps, or costs little

The voices on this side do not all say the same thing.  Some say warming has been a net benefit.  Others say it is a net cost, but a modest one, smaller than the cost of drastic cuts.

  1. Matt Ridley, science writer, 2013: "Climate change has done more good than harm so far and is likely to continue doing so for most of this century. This is not some barmy, right-wing fantasy; it is the consensus of expert opinion."24 His list of benefits: "fewer winter deaths; lower energy costs; better agricultural yields; probably fewer droughts; maybe richer biodiversity." And: "The greatest benefit from climate change comes not from temperature change but from carbon dioxide itself."24 He grants that "the net benefit is small (which it is)" and that "the benefits have accrued more to rich countries than poor countries (which is true)".24
  2. Richard Tol, economist, the source Ridley relies on. Tol's model of the 20th century found that "Carbon dioxide fertilization of crops and reduced energy demand for heating are the main positive impacts", and that "The global average impact was positive in the 20th century. In the 21st century, impacts turn negative in most countries, rich and poor."26 His model put the world's gain at "1.4% of GDP by 2000", peaking at 1.5 % in 2025 and falling to −1.2 % by 2100.26 What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost? follows what Tol's later surveys say.
  3. Bjørn Lomborg, political scientist and head of the Copenhagen Consensus Center. Lomborg does not claim a net benefit. He writes: "Climate change is real and its impacts are mostly negative, but common portrayals of devastation are unfounded." Unchecked warming would cost "a 3.6% reduction in total GDP" by 2100, he estimates, and climate policies have "costs that often vastly outweigh their climate benefits." He supports a carbon tax that would cut warming in 2100 "from 4.1°C in 2100 to 3.75°C", and calls the 2 °C target "unrealistic".27
  4. Indur Goklany, policy analyst. Deaths from extreme weather "declined globally by 93%–98% since the 1920s", which he credits to wealth and technology "enabled in part by use of hydrocarbon fuels."15
  5. Roy Spencer, climatologist at the University of Alabama in Huntsville. Spencer grants the warming "might well be mostly human-caused". He argues that "human flourishing depends upon abundant and affordable energy", and that "global agricultural productivity has increased by trillions of dollars from crops growing better" in a CO2-enriched atmosphere.28 The "trillions" most likely trace to a 2013 report by Craig Idso of the Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change, which puts the CO2 boost to 45 crops at "a total sum of $3.2 trillion over the 50-year period 1961-2011".29
  6. The young-earth and evangelical voices. Don Batten of Creation Ministries International writes that "CO2 is ‘plant food’, and planet Earth’s plants would benefit from more of it, not less", and that "Unscientific, illogical environmental extremism … will hurt the poor the most."30 The Cornwall Alliance, an evangelical group led by E. Calvin Beisner, argues that the case for alarm "exaggerates the harms from global warming and ignores or underestimates the benefits not only from warming but also from increased atmospheric carbon dioxide."2 Its main charge is against climate policy, which it says would "condemn the world’s poor to generations of continued misery characterized by rampant disease and premature death."2

The Cornwall Alliance's own economics chapter makes a concession worth noting.  It says that "most models find that human well-being improves because of economic growth with or without warming but improves less with significant warming."2  The strongest version of this side, then, is not "warming is good".  It is that the benefits so far are real, the harms are smaller than advertised, people adapt, and the cure can be worse than the disease.

The case that the harms dominate

  1. The IPCC's 2022 impacts report. "Human-induced climate change, including more frequent and intense extreme events, has caused widespread adverse impacts and related losses and damages to nature and people, beyond natural climate variability."8 It warns that "dengue risk will increase with longer seasons and a wider geographic distribution", "potentially putting additional billions of people at risk by the end of the century".8 The same report concedes some benefits: agricultural productivity has grown, though climate change "has slowed this growth", and "positive impacts occurred in some high latitude regions";8 "Some positive economic effects have been identified in regions that have benefited from lower energy demand";8 and "There is evidence that some regions could benefit from low levels of warming".8
  2. The Lancet Countdown, an annual health report by a large academic collaboration. Its 2024 report says that "Heat-related mortality of people older than 65 years increased by a record-breaking 167%, compared with the 1990s", against 65 % expected from ageing alone, and that the climate's suitability for spreading dengue by its two main mosquitoes rose by 46.3 % and 10.7 % since the 1950s. It also grants that "Although cold-related deaths currently exceed heat-related deaths, heat-related deaths are expected to exceed cold-related deaths in a high-warming scenario."31
  3. Marshall Burke, Solomon Hsiang and Edward Miguel, economists, 2015. From fifty years of national incomes and temperatures, they found "productivity peaking at an annual average temperature of 13◦ C and declining strongly at higher temperatures", and projected that unchecked warming would cut "average global incomes roughly 25% by 2100".18
  4. Maximilian Kotz, Anders Levermann and Leonie Wenz, 2024. Their Nature paper claimed "the world economy is committed to an income reduction of 19% within the next 26 years independent of future emission choices".32 It was retracted on 3 December 2025, after other economists showed the result depended on bad data from one country, Uzbekistan, and understated its uncertainty.20 The details are in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.
  5. The evangelical voices on this side. The 2006 Evangelical Climate Initiative warned that "Millions of people could die in this century because of climate change, most of them our poorest global neighbors."33 It appealed to the same concern for the poor as the Cornwall Alliance, and reached the opposite policy.

The strongest version of this side is not "warming is a catastrophe now".  It is that the benefits are front-loaded and shrinking, the harms grow faster than the warming, they fall on the poor in hot countries who did least to cause them, and the worst cases are too uncertain to rule out.

Part 2: What the measurements say, effect by effect

Each effect below is weighed with its numbers and its uncertainty.  The benefits come first, because they are the part of the ledger most often left out.

CO2 and plants: the greening is real; the food gain is smaller, and costs some nutrition

The earth has greened.  Zaichun Zhu and 31 co-authors combined three satellite records of leaf area for 1982–2009 and found "a persistent and widespread increase of growing season integrated LAI (greening) over 25% to 50% of the global vegetated area, whereas less than 4% of the globe shows decreasing LAI (browning)".  Their models attributed most of it to CO2:  "CO2 fertilization effects explain 70% of the observed greening trend".3  The 70 % is a model share of a leaf-area trend, with an uncertainty of ±29 points in the paper's own table, not a measured share of plant growth or food.  A later satellite study led by Chi Chen found that people also did much of the greening directly:  "China alone accounts for 25% of the global net increase in leaf area with only 6.6% of global vegetated area", largely from tree planting and multiple cropping, and land use accounts "for over a third, and likely more, of the observed net increase in green leaf area".34  Both sides should accept the core finding:  more CO2 has made the earth greener.  CMI's claim that it accounts for "30%" of the world's food and fibre misreads its source, as shown in Creationism and Climate Science.

Crops gain less than greenhouse trials suggested.  The numbers the benefit side uses come mostly from plants grown in chambers and greenhouses.  When crops were grown in open fields with CO2 piped over them, in Free-Air CO2 Enrichment (FACE) trials, Elizabeth Ainsworth and Stephen Long found:  "The average crop yield stimulation of 17% is lower than previous estimates of CO2 effects on crop yield, which ranged from 28 to 35%".  These trials raised CO2 by about 200 ppm.35  Long and four co-authors summed it up:  "elevated [CO2] enhanced yield by ∼50% less than in enclosure studies."9

This matters for the dollar figure behind Roy Spencer's "trillions".  Craig Idso's $3.2 trillion uses growth factors averaged over "thousands of CO2 enrichment experiments" of every kind, such as 34.9 % per 300 ppm for wheat.29  Indur Goklany, using a figure of the same kind, gets a 15 % yield gain from CO2 so far, but only 9–11 % from the IPCC's own estimate.36  Scaling Idso's figures to the FACE results roughly halves them, to about $1.6 trillion over 50 years and about $70 billion a year by 2011, before anything is subtracted for warming's own damage to crops.37  The CO2 benefit to crops is real, and it is worth tens of billions of dollars a year.  It is not as large as the advocacy figures say.

More CO2 lowers the nutrient content of some staple grains.  In FACE trials at 546–586 ppm, Samuel Myers and colleagues found that "wheat grains grown at elevated [CO2] have 9.3% (95% CI: −12.7, −5.9) lower zinc and 5.1% (95% CI: −6.5, −3.7) lower iron", with protein down 6.3 % in wheat and 7.8 % in rice.  Maize and other C4 crops were less affected.10  A meta-analysis of 7,761 observations by Irakli Loladze found an average fall of 8 % across 25 minerals, smaller in FACE trials than in chambers.38  In rice grown at 568–590 ppm, Chunwu Zhu's team found folate down by about 30 % and several B vitamins down by 13 to 17 %.39  These are concentrations.  Total nutrients per hectare depend on how much the yield rises, so the net effect is smaller than the percentages alone suggest, but for people who live on rice and wheat the loss is real.

Whether the CO2 boost is fading is disputed.  Songhan Wang and colleagues reported in 2020 that the CO2 effect on photosynthesis "has declined across most terrestrial regions of the globe from 1982 to 2015".40  Christian Frankenberg and colleagues replied that "small systematic biases" in the satellite data mean "the key finding is not robust".41  That question is open.

Crops: yields have tripled, and warming has taken a slice

World cereal yields rose from 1.35 tonnes per hectare in 1961 to 4.21 in 2024, a 3.1-fold rise.42  That rise includes everything at once:  new varieties, fertiliser, irrigation, CO2 and warming.  No one disputes that farming has outpaced climate change so far.  The question is how much warming has taken off the top.

  1. What warming has taken so far. David Lobell, Wolfram Schlenker and Justin Costa-Roberts estimated that with the climate trends of 1980–2008, "global maize and wheat production declined by 3.8 and 5.5%, respectively, relative to a counterfactual without climate trends. For soybeans and rice, winners and losers largely balanced out." Their counterfactual still includes the yield gains "from technology, carbon dioxide fertilization, and other factors".12 Ariel Ortiz-Bobea and colleagues estimated that human-caused climate change has cut the growth of global farm productivity "by about 21% since 1961", which they call "equivalent to losing the last 7 years of productivity growth", and by 26 to 34 % in warmer regions such as Africa and Latin America, while leaving the CO2 effect in the baseline.13 The IPCC's summary: "Although overall agricultural productivity has increased, climate change has slowed this growth".8
  2. What each further degree would take. Chuang Zhao and colleagues pooled four methods and found that "Without CO2 fertilization, effective adaptation, and genetic improvement, each degree-Celsius increase in global mean temperature would, on average, reduce global yields of wheat by 6.0%, rice by 3.2%, maize by 7.4%, and soybean by 3.1%."43 The losses are steep because yields collapse above crop-specific thresholds: Schlenker and Michael Roberts found U.S. yields "increase with temperature up to 29° C for corn, 30° C for soybeans, and 32° C for cotton but that temperatures above these thresholds are very harmful."44
  3. With CO2 included. The newest global crop-model comparison, led by Jonas Jägermeyr, projects end-of-century maize yields falling by 6 % under the lowest emissions path and 24 % under the highest, while wheat gains 18 % under the highest because of CO2 and new high-latitude land.45
  4. The cold edge gains. The frost-free season in the contiguous United States "has increased by nearly two weeks since the beginning of the 20th century".46 Matthew King and colleagues project that the share of the boreal zone warm enough for small grains would rise "compared to the current 32%" to "roughly 76% (55% to 89%)" by 2099, though much of the new land has uncertain water supply.47

Putting these together:  so far, the CO2 gain to grain yields, roughly 9 to 15 % on the benefit side's own figures and less on FACE results, is about as large as or larger than what warming has taken from wheat and maize, roughly 4 to 6 %.  In open-field trials, C4 crops, the group that includes maize and sorghum, showed no gain in dry matter from extra CO2,35 so for maize the effect so far is a net loss.  Going forward, each degree costs several percent of yield before adaptation, while the CO2 gain grows more slowly and dilutes nutrients.  At 2 to 3 °C the balance turns negative for maize and in the tropics, and stays positive for wheat in the far north.

Cold deaths and heat deaths: a net saving so far, turning with more warming

Cold kills far more people than heat, by about 9 to 17 deaths for each heat death in the main studies.48  On the best global model, the warming of the last few decades has saved more people from cold than it has killed with heat:  roughly 275,000 fewer cold deaths and 113,000 more heat deaths a year, a net saving of about 160,000.45  That saving is a model result, which applies fixed temperature-death curves to the observed temperatures, and the IPCC finds only "variable evidence" that milder winters have cut winter deaths in practice.49  With more warming the balance turns:  under the moderate scenario the global net becomes modestly harmful on average, though the range of the leading estimate still includes a net saving, and under high warming the heat side wins almost everywhere except the far north.2223  The studies, their critics and the projections are weighed in Do Cold Deaths Outweigh Heat Deaths?.

Sea level: a real cost, and mostly a question of defences

Sea level is rising, and faster than a century ago.  A budget of tide gauges, satellites and ice-loss records by Thomas Frederikse and colleagues gives an average of 1.56 mm a year from 1900 to 2018.50  The IPCC puts the total at 0.20 m from 1901 to 2018, and the rate at 3.7 mm a year from 2006 to 2018.7  For 2100 its "likely" range runs from 0.28–0.55 m under the lowest emissions scenario to 0.63–1.01 m under the highest, with up to about 2 m not ruled out at low confidence.7  Whether those projections can be trusted is a question for the sibling article How Well Have Climate Predictions Done?, which also covers the coral atolls that have grown in area while the sea rose around them.

No one argues that a higher sea is a benefit.  The dispute is over how much it costs, and the answer depends far more on what people build than on how much the sea rises.

  1. Without defences, the cost would be large. Jochen Hinkel and nine co-authors, one of them Richard Tol, ran a model of the world's coasts with 25 to 123 cm of rise by 2100. If no one raised a dike after 1995, "0.2–4.6% of global population is expected to be flooded annually in 2100", with losses of "0.3–9.3% of global gross domestic product."51
  2. With defences, it shrinks a hundredfold or more. Raising dikes as the sea and incomes rise cuts the number of people flooded "by about 2 orders of magnitude", and the damage by 2 to 3.51 The dikes cost "US$ 12–71 billion in 2100", which the authors call "much smaller than the global cost of avoided damages".51 The choice of defence matters more than the choice of emissions scenario: flood damage "is much more sensitive to the applied protection strategy than to variations in climate and socioeconomic scenarios".51
  3. The Netherlands shows it can be done. In 2008 its Delta Committee told the government to plan for "a regional sea level rise of 0.65 to 1.3 m by 2100", which it called "plausible upper limits".52 The cost: "1.2 to 1.6 billion euros per annum" to 2050.52 That is 0.18 to 0.25 % of Dutch GDP in 2008, and 0.11 to 0.14 % of it in 2024.53 The Dutch planned for an upper limit, including the sinking of their own land, above the IPCC's likely global range for even the highest scenario, and the bill is a fraction of one percent of national income.

The weakness in the adaptation argument is who can pay.  The Netherlands is rich, has centuries of water-board institutions, and has a short, straight coast of sand.  Bangladesh, the Nile delta and Pacific atolls have none of those advantages.  Hinkel's team also warns that defending a long, crowded coast "increases the risk of catastrophic consequences in the case of defense failure".51  And the sea does not stop in 2100:  the Delta Committee planned for 2 to 4 m by 2200 as an upper limit.52  Sea-level rise is a real harm.  For a rich country it is a manageable engineering bill.  For a poor delta it is a much larger share of a much smaller income, unless that country grows rich first.

Extreme weather: more heat, less cold, and far fewer deaths

The IPCC's 2021 assessment divides extreme weather by kind, and the kinds go different ways.

  1. Heat and cold. "It is virtually certain that hot extremes (including heatwaves) have become more frequent and more intense across most land regions since the 1950s, while cold extremes (including cold waves) have become less frequent and less severe", with human influence "the main driver".7 The second half of that sentence is a benefit, stated by the IPCC itself.
  2. Rain and drought. Heavy rainfall has increased "over most land area for which observational data are sufficient", and human influence has added to agricultural and ecological droughts "in some regions" at medium confidence.7
  3. Hurricanes. "There is low confidence in long-term (multi-decadal to centennial) trends in the frequency of all-category tropical cyclones", though the share that reach Category 3 to 5 has likely risen over four decades.7

The death toll from weather disasters has fallen enormously while the world warmed.  Indur Goklany, a former U.S. government policy analyst, compiled global disaster records back to 1900.  Comparing the 1920s with 2000–2008, "the annual number of deaths declined from 484,900 to 35,200, a 93% decline, while the death rate per million dropped from 241.5 to 5.4, a decline of 98%."15  He credits "greater wealth and better technology enabled in part by use of hydrocarbon fuels."15  Bjørn Lomborg gives a similar figure:  "Global death risk from extreme weather has declined 99% over 100 years".27  A peer-reviewed study by Giuseppe Formetta and Luc Feyen of the European Commission's Joint Research Centre, using the reinsurer Munich Re's disaster records and measuring deaths and losses against the number of people and the value exposed, confirms the direction for recent decades, with "global average mortality and economic loss rates that have dropped by 6.5 and nearly 5 times, respectively, from 1980–1989 to 2007–2016."  The gap between rich and poor remains:  the death rate "is still 4.4 times larger in low/middle low income countries".16

Both sides should read that number carefully.  It shows that wealth, warnings, roads and food aid protect people from weather, which is the heart of the adaptation argument.  It does not show that warming made weather milder or harsher, because it does not compare the world with a world that did not warm.  The 1920s total is also dominated by a few great droughts and famines, so the size of the fall depends on how famine deaths are counted.  For what has happened to hurricanes, floods and fires against the forecasts made for them, see How Well Have Climate Predictions Done?.

Disease, water, ecosystems and fire: where the data say something

  1. Malaria has retreated while the world warmed. Peter Gething and colleagues compared a map of malaria around 1900 with one for 2007. Stable malaria covered 58 % of the world's land around 1900 and 30 % by 2007. They concluded that "widespread claims that rising mean temperatures have already led to increases in worldwide malaria morbidity and mortality are largely at odds with observed decreasing global trends in both its endemicity and geographic extent", and that the projected effects of warming are "at least one order of magnitude smaller than changes observed since c. 1900 and up to two orders of magnitude smaller than those that can be achieved by the effective scale-up of key control measures."54 Dengue is a different case: the climate's suitability for its mosquitoes has risen,31 and the IPCC expects its range to widen.8 For both diseases, control and wealth matter more than temperature.
  2. Water: the summary told half the story. Ridley charged that the IPCC's 2007 report omitted people whose water stress would fall. Its summary table did list "Hundreds of millions of people exposed to increased water stress" with no matching line for reduced stress.55 The chapter behind it did report both sides: water stress was modelled to fall on 20 to 29 % of the world's land area by the 2050s and to rise on 62 to 76 %, and on one measure, water per person, "climate change would appear to reduce global water stress" because extra runoff falls mostly in the populous parts of East and Southeast Asia.56 The 2022 report expects water risks to rise "in all assessed regions", with snowmelt for irrigation down by up to 20 % in some basins at about 2 °C.8 Ridley was right about the summary; the chapter was more balanced than its summary.
  3. Ecosystems carry the clearest one-way risk. The IPCC expects that "3 to 14% of species assessed will likely face very high risk of extinction at global warming levels of 1.5°C, increasing up to 3 to 18% at 2°C, 3 to 29% at 3°C".8 Mark Urban's meta-analysis of 131 published predictions put the share of species at risk of extinction at 2.8 % today, 5.2 % at 2 °C and 8.5 % at 3 °C.57 Coral reefs are the most exposed: the IPCC projects them "to decline by a further 70–90% at 1.5°C (high confidence) with larger losses (>99%) at 2°C".14 Against that, hard coral cover on the Great Barrier Reef is near its 40-year average after repeated bleaching, as How Well Have Climate Predictions Done? records. Extinction cannot be undone, and no one argues it is a benefit.
  4. Less land burns, though fire weather has lengthened. Niels Andela and colleagues found that "global burned area declined by 24.3 ± 8.8% over the past 18 years", and that "Agricultural expansion and intensification were primary drivers of declining fire activity."58 A 2022 review led by Matthew Jones found burned area down 27 % from 2001 to 2019, mostly in African savannahs, while the fire-weather season grew by 14 days, or 27 %, from 1979 to 2019, and burned area rose by about half or more in some forests outside the tropics, including the Pacific United States.59 The global fall is people turning grassland into farmland; the regional rises are where warming and drought dry the forests.

Part 3: What the economic estimates say

The economist whose surveys founded the "net benefit" claim, Richard Tol, now finds that "The initially positive impacts have vanished".1  The estimates of the loss at 3 °C fall into two families that differ by a factor of ten:  models that add up damages sector by sector put it near 2 % of world income,17 and studies of how output has moved with temperature put it at 20 % or more, though a prominent 2024 paper of this kind was retracted by its authors.181920  The economic effect of the warming so far is small compared with the growth of the world economy, and its sign is not known with confidence;  what the estimates agree on is that every additional degree costs more than the one before.8  The social cost of carbon, the damage done by one more tonne of CO2, runs from about $20 to $185 a tonne, mainly because of the discount rate, which is a moral choice, not a measurement.1721  The curves, the table of estimates, the social cost of carbon and the tail-risk argument are in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.

Part 4: What the data can settle, and what they cannot

Parts 2 and 3 are about facts:  how many deaths, how much grain, how many metres of sea, how much income.  Measurements can narrow those, and over the past fifteen years they have.  Three further questions decide what anyone should do, and no measurement settles them.

Three questions of value

  1. How much is the future worth? The discount rate behind the social cost of carbon, set out in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?, is a moral choice dressed as a number. Nordhaus's own table shows that the discounting used by the 2006 Stern Review, which counts a person in 2100 almost the same as a person today, raises his social cost of carbon from $31 to $197 a tonne with no change in the science.17 Those who favour a market rate answer that money invested now will be worth more to future generations than emissions cuts, and that those generations will be richer than people today. Ridley makes this point when he notes that by 2080 "the average person will be about nine times as rich", so that "low-lying Bangladesh will be able to afford the same kind of flood defences that the Dutch have today."24
  2. Who pays? The benefits and harms do not fall on the same people. Tol's own model found that "Most countries benefitted from climate change until 1980, but after that the trend is negative for poor countries and positive for rich countries."26 Ridley grants that "the benefits have accrued more to rich countries than poor countries (which is true)".24 The heat-death projections in Do Cold Deaths Outweigh Heat Deaths? rise most in warm, poor regions, and the cold-death savings come mostly in cool, rich ones. The costs of climate policy fall unevenly too. The Cornwall Alliance points out that wood and dung, "which are now used by two billion people", "cause millions of deaths and hundreds of millions of illnesses from respiratory diseases contracted by breathing their smoke", and that dear energy keeps people on them.2 Both are real. Which harms the poor more, warming or a given policy against it, depends on the policy, and this article does not test policies.
  3. How much risk is acceptable? The damage estimates in Part 3 are central estimates. The question of how much to pay to avoid an unlikely but very bad outcome is treated under "Tail risk" in What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.

What Christians on each side appeal to

Evangelicals who disagree on climate appeal to the same texts and reach opposite conclusions.

  1. Dominion and stewardship. The Evangelical Climate Initiative cites Genesis 1:26–28 and calls climate change "the latest evidence of our failure to exercise proper stewardship".33 The Cornwall Alliance cites the same mandate as a call to fill and develop the earth: mankind was "given a mandate to act as stewards over the Earth—filling, subduing, and ruling it for God’s glory and mankind’s benefit."2
  2. Love of neighbour and care for the poor. The Initiative asks Christians "to protect and care for the least of these as though each was Jesus Christ himself" (Matthew 25), and warns that most of the dead from warming will be "our poorest global neighbors".33 The Cornwall Alliance says the poor are harmed most by policies that make energy dear.2 CMI's Don Batten agrees: "We are also compelled to consider the poor and the general welfare of our neighbours."30
  3. Providence and a stable creation. The Cornwall Alliance's declaration calls the earth and its ecosystems "robust, resilient, self-regulating, and self-correcting".60 Batten writes: "We have a biblical basis for our confidence that the climate is designed to be broadly stable", citing God's promise after the Flood that "seedtime and harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night, shall not cease".30 That promise is a real ground for confidence that the earth will not become uninhabitable. It is not a promise that no region will suffer. Scripture records regional famines after it was given, in Abraham's day, Joseph's, Ruth's and Elijah's (Genesis 12:10; 41:54–57; Ruth 1:1; 1 Kings 17:1). Confidence in providence does not tell a farmer in Mali how much hotter his fields may get.

These appeals are not idle.  They set what each side counts as a cost and whom it counts first.  They do not tell anyone how many people a degree of warming kills or feeds.  On that question, Christians on both sides are bound by the same data as everyone else, and a conservative Christian who prefers data to consensus should hold the data to the same standard whichever side it helps.

Objections and responses

From the side that says warming helps

  1. "CO2 is plant food, and the earth is greener." True, and Part 2 says so. The open-field yield gain is about half the greenhouse figure,9 it lowers the zinc, iron and protein in wheat and rice,10 and open-field trials found no gain for C4 crops such as maize and sorghum.35 It is a real benefit that is smaller than advertised.
  2. "Deaths from weather disasters have fallen 98 %, so warming has done no harm." The fall is real and enormous.15 It measures how well people protect themselves, not what the climate did. A world can grow safer from storms while storms grow worse, because wealth outruns weather. The fall is the best evidence for adaptation, and no evidence either way on the climate's own effect.
  3. "The scary numbers assume RCP8.5, which is not going to happen." This is a fair point. Hausfather and Peters, mainstream researchers, say RCP8.5 "was intended to explore an unlikely high-risk future".25 Burke's 23 % loss is for that path. This article therefore puts the weight on 2 to 3 °C, where the losses are smaller but still negative on almost every estimate.
  4. "Climate models run hot, so the projected harms are inflated." Many do, as the sibling article How Well Have Climate Predictions Done? shows. But the impacts in this article are mostly stated per degree of warming. A lower climate sensitivity delays the date at which 2 or 3 °C arrives; it does not change what 2 or 3 °C does.
  5. "History shows warm periods were good and cold periods were bad." Don Batten writes that the Medieval Warm Period "was a very productive time", while in the Little Ice Age "The shorter crop-growing seasons caused famines, plagues, and widespread poverty."30 For Europe that is broadly fair, and it matches what this article finds: cool, northern regions gain from moderate warming. It says nothing about India, the Sahel or the tropics, where most people now live and where heat, not cold, limits crops and health.

From the side that says warming harms

  1. "Any warming is harmful; the benefits are a myth." The IPCC's own summary disagrees. It records "positive impacts" in "some high latitude regions" and "Some positive economic effects" from lower energy demand.88 Its WG1 report says cold extremes "have become less frequent and less severe".7 Denying the benefits makes the harm case less credible, not more.
  2. "The poor bear the harms, so even a global net gain would be unjust." This is correct as a description. Tol's model, Carleton's mortality study and Gasparrini's projections all find the gains in cold, rich places and the losses in hot, poor ones.2623 It is an argument about justice, and it supports helping poor countries adapt. It does not by itself say which climate policy helps the poor most, because expensive energy also falls hardest on them.2

Issues and unanswered questions

  1. Is the CO2 boost to plants fading? Wang and colleagues say yes; Frankenberg and colleagues say the satellite data cannot show it. The answer decides how long the greening continues.
  2. How much does adaptation cost, and who pays? Tamma Carleton's team, in their study of temperature deaths, finds that ignoring adaptation overstates deaths threefold, but adaptation is not free, and their estimate of its cost rests on assumptions about how people choose. Dikes, air conditioning and new crop varieties are cheap for the rich and dear for the poor.
  3. Not fully read. The full texts of Lobell 2011 and Long 2006, and the reply of Wang and colleagues to Frankenberg, were not obtained.
  4. Nothing here tests climate policy. This article weighs the effects of warming. Whether a given policy, such as a carbon tax, renewable mandates or nuclear power, does more good than harm is a separate question with its own data.
  5. The death counts and the economics have their own open questions. They are listed in Do Cold Deaths Outweigh Heat Deaths? and What Do Economists Say Warming Will Cost?.

Verdict

The data question has a clearer answer than either side usually admits.

  1. So far, the effects are mixed and roughly offsetting. More CO2 has greened the earth and added several percent to the yields of wheat, rice and soybeans. Milder winters have, on the best global model, saved more people from cold than heat has killed, a modelled net of very roughly 160,000 lives a year from the temperatures of 2000–2019. Against that, heat deaths attributable to warming are real, maize and wheat yields are a few percent below what they would have been, farm productivity growth has slowed, seas are 20 cm higher, and heatwaves are hotter. The economic estimates for 1.3 °C range from slightly positive to slightly negative, and Tol, the economist who first reported a net benefit, now puts his central estimate below zero inside an interval that includes zero. The honest verdict on the warming so far is that its net effect is small, mixed and of uncertain sign.
  2. The benefits are front-loaded and the harms grow faster. Every line of evidence agrees on direction. The cold saving shrinks as winters warm; the heat cost grows faster than linearly; the CO2 gain to crops grows more slowly than the heat loss; the damage curves bend upward. By about 2 °C the central estimates are negative on almost every measure, and by 3 °C every central estimate is negative: about 2 % of world income on the sector models and much more on the growth-panel studies. Tol's 2018 survey could not distinguish the loss from zero below 3.5 °C, so even here the uncertainty is wide.
  3. Who gains and who loses is not in doubt. Cold, rich, northern countries gain from moderate warming. Hot, poor countries lose from the start. The benefit side concedes this; Ridley calls it "true".
  4. Where the uncertainty is too large to call: the sign of the net effect so far; the size of the loss at 3 °C, which spans a factor of ten; how much winter mortality warming really prevents; and the tail.

What follows, and what does not.  The claim that warming "has done more good than harm" was defensible in 2013 on the evidence then published, and parts of it still hold:  the benefits are real and were too often ignored.  The claim that this will continue "for most of this century" is no longer supported by the work it relied on.  The claim that moderate warming is a catastrophe is not supported either.  Of the published total-impact estimates, Tol writes that researchers "agree on the order of magnitude":  "a century of climate change is not worse than losing a decade of economic growth."1  Whether that cost justifies a given policy is a question of discount rates, risk and justice to the poor, which Christians on both sides answer from the same Scriptures in different ways, and which the data alone cannot settle.

Sources


  1. 1.

    Tol, Richard S. J.  “A meta-analysis of the total economic impact of climate change.”  Energy Policy 185:113922.  2024.  Tol's latest meta-analysis of published estimates of the total economic effect of warming, with a separate review of studies that relate economic growth to weather.  It overturns his own earlier finding of an initial benefit.

    1. 1a.

      Page 11:  “(1) The initially positive impacts have vanished: The central estimate of the economic impact of global warming is always negative. The effects of carbon dioxide fertilization and reduced winter cold on heating costs and human health are still positive, but newer studies reckon these are relatively smaller than earlier studies. (2) The confidence interval about the estimates has widened considerably, and now includes no impact for very considerable warming.” ↩ ↩ ↩

    2. 1b.

      Page 5:  “Researchers disagree on the sign of the net impact, but agree on the order of magnitude: The welfare loss (or gain) caused by climate change is equivalent to the welfare loss caused by an income drop of at most ten percent—a century of climate change is not worse than losing a decade of economic growth.” ↩

  2. 2.

    Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creation.  A Renewed Call to Truth, Prudence, and Protection of the Poor:  An Evangelical Examination of the Theology, Science, and Economics of Global Warming.  2009.  The longer companion to the Cornwall Alliance's Evangelical Declaration on Global Warming, with chapters on theology, science and economics.  Its summaries argue that warming is mostly natural and that cutting fossil fuels would hurt the poor.

    1. 2a.

      Section Executive Summary:  “Our examination of the economics  of global warming alarmism (Chapter Three) finds that it exaggerates the harms from global warming and ignores or underestimates the benefits not only from warming but also from increased atmospheric carbon dioxide.” ↩

    2. 2b.

      Section Executive Summary:  “condemn the world’s poor to generations of continued misery characterized by rampant disease and premature death.” ↩

    3. 2c.

      Section Executive Summary of Chapter Three:  “Although some sector-level economic studies in agriculture and forestry indicate that warming might enhance well-being, most models find that human well-being improves because of economic growth with or without warming but improves less with significant warming.” ↩ ↩

    4. 2d.

      Section Executive Summary of Chapter One:  “For example, such fuels are currently the most abundant and affordable alternatives to dirty fuels, like wood and dung, which are now used by two billion people and cause millions of deaths and hundreds of millions of illnesses from respiratory diseases contracted by breathing their smoke. Insisting on the use of more expensive alternative fuels because of global warming fears means depriving the poor of the abundant, affordable energy they need to rise from abject poverty and its attendant miseries.” ↩ ↩ ↩

    5. 2e.

      Section Executive Summary:  “given a mandate to act as stewards over the Earth—filling, subduing, and ruling it for God’s glory and mankind’s benefit.” ↩

  3. 3.

    Zhu, Zaichun et al.  “Greening of the Earth and its drivers.”  Nature Climate Change 6:791–795.  2016.  Three satellite records of leaf area for 1982–2009 combined with ten ecosystem models run with and without rising CO2, nitrogen deposition, climate change and land-use change, to apportion the observed greening among them.  The shares are model attributions with wide uncertainty.

    1. 3a.

      Page 791:  “We show a persistent and widespread increase of growing season integrated LAI (greening) over 25% to 50% of the global vegetated area, whereas less than 4% of the globe shows decreasing LAI (browning).”  “suggest that CO2 fertilization effects explain 70% of the observed greening trend, followed by nitrogen deposition (9%), climate change (8%) and land cover change (LCC) (4%).”  LAI is leaf area index, the leaf area above each unit of ground.  In the paper's own table the CO2 share is 70.1 ± 29.4 %. ↩ ↩

  4. 4.

    Zhao, Qi et al.  “Global, regional, and national burden of mortality associated with non-optimal ambient temperatures from 2000 to 2019:  a three-stage modelling study.”  The Lancet Planetary Health 5(7):e415–e425.  2021.  A global model built from daily deaths and temperatures in 750 places in 43 countries, extended to every populated grid cell on earth for 2000–2019.  It is the first global estimate of cold and heat deaths and of how they changed as the world warmed, holding population and income fixed.

    1. 4a.

      Page e420:  “Globally, 5 083 173 deaths (95% eCI 4 087 967–5 965 520) were associated with non-optimal temperatures per year, consisting of 4 594 098 cold-related deaths (3 337 222–5 640 617) and 489 075 heat-related deaths (304 216–732 518; table 1).” ↩ ↩

    2. 4b.

      Page e415:  “From 2000–03 to 2016–19, the global cold-related excess death ratio changed by –0·51 percentage points (95% eCI –0·61 to –0·42) and the global heat-related excess death ratio increased by 0·21 percentage points (0·13–0·31), leading to a net reduction in the overall ratio.”  Page e423:  “The global daily mean temperature increased by 0·26°C per decade during this time”. ↩ ↩ ↩

  5. 5.

    Zhao's 5,083,173 temperature deaths are 9.43 % of all deaths in the modelled cells 4, which implies about 53.9 million deaths a year.  A change of −0.51 percentage points in the cold share is about 275,000 fewer cold deaths;  +0.21 points in the heat share is about 113,000 more heat deaths;  the net −0.30 points (95 % range −0.13 to −0.44) is about 162,000 fewer (70,000 to 237,000) 4.  The figures compare the rates of 2000–03 and 2016–19 with population, mortality and income held at 2010 levels. ↩ ↩

  6. 6.

    Climate Feedback (Science Feedback).  Global warming contributes to increased heat-related mortality, contrary to Bjorn Lomborg’s unsupported claims that climate change is saving hundreds of thousands of lives each year.  Sep 4, 2021.  A fact-check of Lomborg's claim by a site that recruits scientists to review climate statements, with comments written for it by Antonio Gasparrini, Yuming Guo and Kristie Ebi.  The comments are statements to the reviewers, not published papers.

    1. 6a.

      Section Yuming Guo:  “Cold-related mortality decreased and heat-related mortality increased from 2000 to 2019, causing a net decrease in total deaths. However, it is not correct to interpret that this net decrease was caused by climate change. We just estimated the trend of mortality burden related to non-optimal temperatures, but did not do further analysis to examine whether this change is due to climate change or other factors.”  Guo, of Monash University, wrote on behalf of the research network that produced the study. ↩

  7. 7.

    IPCC.  “Summary for Policymakers.”  Climate Change 2021:  The Physical Science Basis.  Contribution of Working Group I to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 3–32.  Cambridge University Press.  2021.  The summary of the IPCC's 2021 assessment of the physical science, line by line approved by member governments.  It is the mainstream statement of what has been observed and what is projected.

    1. 7a.

      Section A.1.7, page 5:  “Global mean sea level increased by 0.20 [0.15 to 0.25] m between 1901 and 2018. The average rate of sea level rise was 1.3 [0.6 to 2.1] mm yr–1 between 1901 and 1971, increasing to 1.9 [0.8 to 2.9] mm yr–1 between 1971 and 2006, and further increasing to 3.7 [3.2 to 4.2] mm yr–1 between 2006 and 2018 (high confidence).” ↩ ↩

    2. 7b.

      Section B.5.3, page 21:  “Relative to 1995–2014, the likely global mean sea level rise by 2100 is 0.28–0.55 m under the very low GHG emissions scenario (SSP1-1.9); 0.32–0.62 m under the low GHG emissions scenario (SSP1-2.6); 0.44–0.76 m under the intermediate GHG emissions scenario (SSP2-4.5); and 0.63–1.01 m under the very high GHG emissions scenario (SSP5-8.5)”.  “Global mean sea level rise above the likely range – approaching 2 m by 2100 and 5 m by 2150 under a very high GHG emissions scenario (SSP5-8.5) (low confidence) – cannot be ruled out due to deep uncertainty in ice-sheet processes.” ↩

    3. 7c.

      Section A.3.1, page 8:  “It is virtually certain that hot extremes (including heatwaves) have become more frequent and more intense across most land regions since the 1950s, while cold extremes (including cold waves) have become less frequent and less severe, with high confidence that human-induced climate change is the main driver”.  A footnote number follows "driver" in the original and is omitted here. ↩ ↩ ↩

    4. 7d.

      Section A.3.2, page 8:  “The frequency and intensity of heavy precipitation events have increased since the 1950s over most land area for which observational data are sufficient for trend analysis (high confidence), and human-induced climate change is likely the main driver.”  “Human-induced climate change has contributed to increases in agricultural and ecological droughts”.  “in some regions due to increased land evapotranspiration”.  “(medium confidence)”. ↩

    5. 7e.

      Section A.3.4, page 9:  “It is likely that the global proportion of major (Category 3–5) tropical cyclone occurrence has increased over the last four decades”.  “There is low confidence in long-term (multi-decadal to centennial) trends in the frequency of all-category tropical cyclones.” ↩

  8. 8.

    IPCC.  “Summary for Policymakers.”  Climate Change 2022:  Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability.  Contribution of Working Group II to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 3–33.  Cambridge University Press.  2022.  The government-approved summary of the IPCC's 2022 assessment of climate impacts.  It is the mainstream statement of the harm case, and it also records the benefits the assessment found.

    1. 8a.

      Section B.1, page 9:  “Human-induced climate change, including more frequent and intense extreme events, has caused widespread adverse impacts and related losses and damages to nature and people, beyond natural climate variability.” ↩

    2. 8b.

      Section B.1.3, page 9:  “Although overall agricultural productivity has increased, climate change has slowed this growth over the past 50 years globally (medium confidence), related negative impacts were mainly in mid- and low latitude regions but positive impacts occurred in some high latitude regions (high confidence).” ↩ ↩ ↩ ↩

    3. 8c.

      Section B.1.6, page 11:  “Some positive economic effects have been identified in regions that have benefited from lower energy demand as well as comparative advantages in agricultural markets and tourism (high confidence).” ↩ ↩

    4. 8d.

      Section B.4.4, page 15:  “dengue risk will increase with longer seasons and a wider geographic distribution in Asia, Europe, Central and South America and sub-Saharan Africa, potentially putting additional billions of people at risk by the end of the century (high confidence).” ↩ ↩

    5. 8e.

      Section Footnote 35, page 15:  “There is evidence that some regions could benefit from low levels of warming (high confidence).” ↩

    6. 8f.

      Section B.4.6, page 15:  “Projected estimates of global aggregate net economic damages generally increase non-linearly with global warming levels (high confidence).”  “The wide range of global estimates, and the lack of comparability between methodologies, does not allow for identification of a robust range of estimates (high confidence).” ↩

    7. 8g.

      Section B.4.1, page 14:  “In terrestrial ecosystems, 3 to 14% of species assessed”.  “will likely face very high risk of extinction”.  “at global warming levels of 1.5°C, increasing up to 3 to 18% at 2°C, 3 to 29% at 3°C, 3 to 39% at 4°C, and 3 to 48% at 5°C.”  Footnote markers 33 and 34 in the original are omitted. ↩

    8. 8h.

      Section B.4.2, page 14:  “Risks in physical water availability and water-related hazards will continue to increase by the mid- to long-term in all assessed regions, with greater risk at higher global warming levels (high confidence). At approximately 2°C global warming, snowmelt water availability for irrigation is projected to decline in some snowmelt dependent river basins by up to 20%”. ↩

  9. 9.

    Long, Stephen P. et al.  “Food for Thought:  Lower-Than-Expected Crop Yield Stimulation with Rising CO2 Concentrations.”  Science 312(5782):1918–1921.  2006.  A comparison of crop yield responses to CO2 in open-field FACE trials with those from the enclosure studies on which crop models had been built.

    1. 9a.

      Page 1918:  “In those trials, elevated [CO2] enhanced yield by ∼50% less than in enclosure studies. This casts serious doubt on projections that rising [CO2] will fully offset losses due to climate change.” ↩ ↩ ↩ ↩

  10. 10.

    Myers, Samuel S. et al.  “Increasing CO2 threatens human nutrition.”  Nature 510:139–142.  2014.  Nutrient measurements on grains and legumes grown in open-field CO2 enrichment trials at seven sites in Japan, Australia and the United States at 546–586 ppm, compared with the same crops at today's CO2.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 10a.

      Section Results:  “wheat grains grown at elevated [CO2] have 9.3% (95% CI: −12.7, −5.9) lower zinc and 5.1% (95% CI: −6.5, −3.7) lower iron than those grown at ambient [CO2].”  “We also find that elevated [CO2] is associated with lower protein in C3 grasses with a 6.3% (95% CI: −7.5, −5.2) decrease in wheat grains and a 7.8% (95% CI: −8.9, −6.8) decrease in rice grains.”  Wording from the authors' accepted manuscript. ↩ ↩ ↩

  11. 11.

    Vicedo-Cabrera, Ana M. et al.  “The burden of heat-related mortality attributable to recent human-induced climate change.”  Nature Climate Change 11:492–500.  2021.  A study of warm-season deaths in 732 places in 43 countries, 1991–2018, comparing heat deaths under the actual climate with those under a modelled climate without human influence.  It measures the heat cost of warming so far and does not count cold deaths.

    1. 11a.

      Section Results:  “The overall estimate is 37.0% but this percentage varied widely across subregions and countries. The largest climate change-induced contributions (>50%) were in southern and western Asia (Iran and Kuwait), southeast Asia (Philippines and Thailand) and several countries in Central and South America”. ↩

  12. 12.

    Lobell, David B. et al.  “Climate Trends and Global Crop Production Since 1980.”  Science 333(6042):616–620.  2011.  Statistical models linking national yields of maize, wheat, rice and soybeans to temperature and rainfall, used to compare actual 1980–2008 production with production had the climate not trended.

    1. 12a.

      Page 616:  “Models that link yields of the four largest commodity crops to weather indicate that global maize and wheat production declined by 3.8 and 5.5%, respectively, relative to a counterfactual without climate trends. For soybeans and rice, winners and losers largely balanced out. Climate trends were large enough in some countries to offset a significant portion of the increases in average yields that arose from technology, carbon dioxide fertilization, and other factors.” ↩ ↩

  13. 13.

    Ortiz-Bobea, Ariel et al.  “Anthropogenic climate change has slowed global agricultural productivity growth.”  Nature Climate Change 11(4):306–312.  2021.  An econometric model of how weather affects farm productivity in each country, 1961 onward, run with and without the human-caused part of the climate trend.  It measures total factor productivity, output per unit of all farm inputs, not yield.  Mirror:  arXiv

    1. 13a.

      Section Abstract:  “Our baseline model indicates that ACC has reduced global agricultural TFP by about 21% since 1961, a slowdown that is equivalent to losing the last 7 years of productivity growth. The effect is substantially more severe (a reduction of ~26–34%) in warmer regions such as Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean.”  Section Discussion:  “our estimates do not remove the direct effect that rising CO2 concentrations has on agricultural production”.  ACC is anthropogenic climate change;  TFP is total factor productivity.  The second quotation is from the authors' preprint. ↩ ↩

  14. 14.

    IPCC.  “Summary for Policymakers.”  Global Warming of 1.5°C.  An IPCC Special Report.  2018.  The summary of the IPCC's 2018 special report comparing the impacts of 1.5 °C and 2 °C of warming.

    1. 14a.

      Section B.4.2, page 8:  “Coral reefs, for example, are projected to decline by a further 70–90% at 1.5°C (high confidence) with larger losses (>99%) at 2°C (very high confidence).” ↩ ↩

  15. 15.

    Goklany, Indur M.  “Deaths and Death Rates from Extreme Weather Events:  1900–2008.”  Journal of American Physicians and Surgeons 14(4):102–109.  2009.  A compilation of global deaths from droughts, floods, storms, heat and other weather extremes by decade since 1900, mostly from the EM-DAT disaster database, with death rates per million people.  Goklany worked on climate and environmental policy for the U.S. government and argues that wealth and fossil fuels explain the fall.  The journal is a small advocacy-leaning outlet, so the figures are worth checking against the peer-reviewed literature, as this article does.

    1. 15a.

      Page 102:  “In fact, even though reporting of such events is more complete than in the past, morbidity and mortality attributed to them has declined globally by 93%–98% since the 1920s.”  “These improvements reflect a remarkable improvement in society’s adaptive capacity, likely due to greater wealth and better technology enabled in part by use of hydrocarbon fuels.” ↩ ↩

    2. 15b.

      Page 104:  “Specifically, comparing the 1920s to the latest (2000–2008) period, the annual number of deaths declined from 484,900 to 35,200, a 93% decline, while the death rate per million dropped from 241.5 to 5.4, a decline of 98%.” ↩ ↩ ↩

  16. 16.

    Formetta, Giuseppe, and Luc Feyen.  “Empirical evidence of declining global vulnerability to climate-related hazards.”  Global Environmental Change 57:101920.  2019.  A study of 16,412 floods, storms, heatwaves, cold waves, droughts and other climate-related disasters in Munich Re's records for 1980–2016, dividing deaths and losses by the population and wealth exposed to each hazard to measure vulnerability rather than raw totals.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 16a.

      Section Abstract:  “Results show a clear decreasing trend in both human and economic vulnerability, with global average mortality and economic loss rates that have dropped by 6.5 and nearly 5 times, respectively, from 1980–1989 to 2007–2016.”  Section Results:  “multi-hazard mortality rate is still 4.4 times larger in low/middle low income countries”. ↩ ↩

  17. 17.

    Nordhaus, William D.  “Revisiting the social cost of carbon.”  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114(7):1518–1523.  2017.  The 2016 revision of Nordhaus's DICE model, the most widely used model linking the economy, emissions, warming and damage.  It gives a social cost of carbon and shows how that cost changes with the discount rate and other assumptions.

    1. 17a.

      Page 1519:  “Eq. 3 assumes that damages can be reasonably well approximated by a quadratic function of temperature change.”  “Including all factors, the final estimate is that the damages are 2.1% of global income at a 3 °C warming, and 8.5% of income at a 6 °C warming.” ↩ ↩

    2. 17b.

      Page 1520, table 1:  “Alternative discount rates”.  “2.5% 128.5”.  “3% 79.1”.  “4% 36.3”.  “5% 19.7”.  Social cost of carbon for 2015, in 2010 international dollars per tonne of CO2, calculated along the current-policy path. ↩ ↩

    3. 17c.

      Page 1520, table 1:  “The Stern Review discounting”.  “Uncalibrated† 197.4”.  Social cost of carbon for 2015, in 2010 international dollars per tonne of CO2, against the baseline of 31.2. ↩

  18. 18.

    Burke, Marshall et al.  “Global non-linear effect of temperature on economic production.”  Nature 527:235–239.  2015.  A study of 166 countries' annual output against their annual temperature, 1960–2010, finding that productivity peaks near a country-year average of 13 °C and falls at higher temperatures, then projected to 2100.  The 13 °C is a national annual mean, not a global one.

    1. 18a.

      Page 235:  “with productivity peaking at an annual average temperature of 13◦ C and declining strongly at higher temperatures.”  “If future adaptation mimics past adaptation, unmitigated warming (RCP 8.5) will reshape the global economy by reducing average global incomes roughly 25% by 2100 and widening global income inequality, relative to scenarios without climate change.” ↩

    2. 18b.

      Section Results:  “climate change reduces projected global output by 23% in 2100 (best estimate, SSP5) relative to a world without climate change, although statistical uncertainty allows for positive impacts with probability 0.29”. ↩ ↩

  19. 19.

    Bilal, Adrien, and Diego R. Känzig.  “The Macroeconomic Impact of Climate Change:  Global vs. Local Temperature.”  NBER Working Paper 32450.  National Bureau of Economic Research.  2024.  A working paper that estimates how world output responds to year-to-year swings in global, rather than national, temperature, and builds a model of the cost of warming from it.  Its damages are far larger than those of the sector-by-sector models.

    1. 19a.

      Section Abstract:  “Exploiting natural global temperature variability, we find that 1°C warming reduces world GDP by over 20% in the long run.” ↩ ↩

  20. 20.

    Kotz, Maximilian et al.  “Retraction Note:  The economic commitment of climate change.”  Nature.  Dec 3, 2025.  The authors' notice withdrawing their 2024 paper, giving the reasons and the effect of the corrections.

    1. 20a.

      Section Retraction Note:  “post-publication, the results were found to be sensitive to the removal of one country, Uzbekistan, where inaccuracies were noted in the underlying economic data for the period 1995–1999.”  “These changes led to discrepancies in the estimates for climate damages by mid-century, with an increased uncertainty range (from 11–29% to 6–31%)”.  “The authors acknowledge that these changes are too substantial for a correction, leading to the retraction of the paper.” ↩ ↩ ↩

  21. 21.

    Rennert, Kevin et al.  “Comprehensive evidence implies a higher social cost of CO2.”  Nature 610:687–692.  2022.  A social cost of carbon built from newer sector-by-sector damage studies, probabilistic emissions projections and a discount rate tied to market interest rates.  It underlies the U.S. EPA's 2023 estimate.

    1. 21a.

      Page 687:  “Our preferred mean SC-CO2 estimate is $185 per tonne of CO2 ($44–$413 per tCO2: 5%–95% range, 2020 US dollars) at a near-term risk-free discount rate of 2%”.  Section Results:  “3% ($80 per tCO2 mean, $12–$197 per tCO2: 5%–95% range)”. ↩ ↩

  22. 22.

    Gasparrini, Antonio et al.  “Projections of temperature-related excess mortality under climate change scenarios.”  The Lancet Planetary Health 1(9):e360–e367.  2017.  Death-temperature curves from 451 places in 23 countries applied to five climate models under four emissions scenarios, region by region, to 2099, assuming no adaptation and no population change.  It is the standard test of whether fewer cold deaths offset more heat deaths.

    1. 22a.

      Page e360:  “Results indicate, on average, a net increase in temperature-related excess mortality under high-emission scenarios, although with important geographical differences.”  Page e362:  “under the assumption of no adaptation or population changes”. ↩ ↩

  23. 23.

    Carleton, Tamma et al.  “Valuing the Global Mortality Consequences of Climate Change Accounting for Adaptation Costs and Benefits.”  NBER Working Paper 27599.  National Bureau of Economic Research.  2022.  Published in the Quarterly Journal of Economics 137(4):2037–2105 (2022);  page numbers here are those of the revised working paper.  Age-specific death-temperature curves from subnational data in 40 countries, allowed to flatten as places grow richer and as they adapt to their own climates, projected worldwide to 2100.  It counts both the deaths and the cost of the adaptation that prevents them.

    1. 23a.

      Section Abstract:  “Notably, today’s cold locations are projected to benefit, while today’s poor and hot locations have large projected damages.” ↩ ↩

    2. 23b.

      Page 22:  “The mean estimate of the mortality effects of climate change falls from 73 deaths per 100,000 under RCP8.5 to 11 deaths per 100,000 under the emissions stabilization scenario of RCP4.5. For RCP4.5, the median end-of-century estimate is 4, and the 10th to 90th percentile range is [-36, 62].” ↩ ↩

  24. 24.

    Ridley, Matt.  “Why climate change is good for the world.”  The Spectator.  Oct 19, 2013.  A magazine essay by a science writer and member of the House of Lords, the best-known statement of the claim that warming has done net good.  Its economic numbers come from Richard Tol's 2009 survey and Tol's 2011 model of the 20th and 21st centuries.

    1. 24a.

      Paragraph 1:  “Climate change has done more good than harm so far and is likely to continue doing so for most of this century. This is not some barmy, right-wing fantasy; it is the consensus of expert opinion.” ↩

    2. 24b.

      Paragraph 9:  “The chief benefits of global warming include: fewer winter deaths; lower energy costs; better agricultural yields; probably fewer droughts; maybe richer biodiversity.”  Paragraph 11:  “The greatest benefit from climate change comes not from temperature change but from carbon dioxide itself.” ↩

    3. 24c.

      Paragraph 6:  “Or you can say the net benefit is small (which it is), you can argue that the benefits have accrued more to rich countries than poor countries (which is true) or you can emphasise that after 2080 climate change would probably do net harm to the world (which may also be true).” ↩ ↩ ↩

    4. 24d.

      Paragraph 8:  “Note that if the world continues to grow at 3 per cent a year, then the average person will be about nine times as rich in 2080 as she is today. So low-lying Bangladesh will be able to afford the same kind of flood defences that the Dutch have today.” ↩

  25. 25.

    Hausfather, Zeke, and Glen P. Peters.  “Emissions – the 'business as usual' story is misleading.”  Nature 577:618–620.  2020.  A comment by two mainstream energy and climate researchers arguing that the IPCC's highest emissions scenario, RCP8.5, had been wrongly treated as the expected future, and that current policies point to about 3 °C of warming by 2100.  Many of the largest damage estimates in the literature assume RCP8.5.

    1. 25a.

      Page 618:  “RCP8.5 was intended to explore an unlikely high-risk future”.  Page 619:  “Assessment of current policies suggests that the world is on course for around 3 °C of warming above pre-industrial levels by the end of the century”. ↩ ↩

  26. 26.

    Tol, Richard S. J.  “The Economic Impact of Climate Change in the 20th and 21st Centuries.”  Copenhagen Consensus on Human Challenges, Assessment Paper.  Copenhagen Consensus Center.  2011.  A run of Tol's FUND model, country by country, backward over the observed 20th-century climate and forward over a 21st-century scenario, summing farming, energy, health, water, storms, sea level and ecosystems as a share of income.  Published in revised form in Climatic Change 117 (2013).  It is the source of the "net benefit until 2080" claim, and it is a model result, not a measurement.

    1. 26a.

      Page 2:  “Carbon dioxide fertilization of crops and reduced energy demand for heating are the main positive impacts. Climate change had a negative effect on water resources and, in most years, human health. Most countries benefitted from climate change until 1980, but after that the trend is negative for poor countries and positive for rich countries. The global average impact was positive in the 20th century. In the 21st century, impacts turn negative in most countries, rich and poor.” ↩ ↩ ↩

    2. 26b.

      Page 7:  “After 1950, impacts became more positive, edging up to 1.4% of GDP by 2000. However, impacts roughly stabilize after that, reaching their maximum at 1.5% of GDP in 2025 and then precipitously fall to reach - 1.2% of GDP in 2100.”  The "-" before the line break in the original is a minus sign. ↩

  27. 27.

    Lomborg, Bjørn.  “Welfare in the 21st century:  Increasing development, reducing inequality, the impact of climate change, and the cost of climate policies.”  Technological Forecasting and Social Change 156:119981.  2020.  A review by the head of the Copenhagen Consensus Center that sets the IPCC's growth scenarios against Nordhaus-style damage estimates and the costs of climate policy.  Lomborg accepts that warming is real and mostly harmful, and argues that its cost is moderate and that most climate policies cost more than they save.

    1. 27a.

      Section Abstract:  “Climate change is real and its impacts are mostly negative, but common portrayals of devastation are unfounded.”  “Global death risk from extreme weather has declined 99% over 100 years”.  “Climate-economic research shows that the total cost from untreated climate change is negative but moderate, likely equivalent to a 3.6% reduction in total GDP. Climate policies also have costs that often vastly outweigh their climate benefits.”  “Using carbon taxes, an optimal realistic climate policy can aggressively reduce emissions and reduce the global temperature increase from 4.1°C in 2100 to 3.75°C.”  “The popular 2°C target, in contrast, is unrealistic and would leave the world more than $250 trillion worse off.” ↩ ↩

  28. 28.

    Spencer, Roy W.  “Reasons Why Regulating CO2 Emissions Needs to be Reconsidered.”  Roy Spencer, PhD (blog).  Feb 26, 2025.  A blog essay by the co-founder of the UAH satellite temperature record, written as the U.S. EPA reconsidered its 2009 finding that greenhouse gases endanger health and welfare.  Spencer accepts that most of the warming may be human and argues that its benefits and the costs of regulation are ignored.

    1. 28a.

      Section The Science:  “But whatever the level of warming, it might well be mostly human-caused.”  Section Costs vs. Benefits:  “But everything humans do requires energy, and so human flourishing depends upon abundant and affordable energy.”  Section The 2009 Endangerment Finding:  “It has been estimated global agricultural productivity has increased by trillions of dollars from crops growing better, with more drought resistance, in a CO2-enriched atmosphere.” ↩

  29. 29.

    Idso, Craig D.  The Positive Externalities of Carbon Dioxide:  Estimating the Monetary Benefits of Rising Atmospheric CO2 Concentrations on Global Food Production.  Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change.  Oct 21, 2013.  A report by the head of a CO2-advocacy research center.  It takes average growth responses of 45 crops from its own database of CO2-enrichment experiments, scales them to each year's CO2 above 280 ppm, and multiplies by world crop production and prices for 1961–2011.  It counts no harm from warming and is not peer reviewed.

    1. 29a.

      Page 3:  “The results indicate that the annual total monetary value of this benefit grew from $18.5 billion in 1961 to over $140 billion by 2011, amounting to a total sum of $3.2 trillion over the 50-year period 1961-2011.” ↩ ↩

    2. 29b.

      Page 8:  “the CO2 Science Plant Growth Database lists the results of thousands of CO2 enrichment experiments conducted on hundreds of different crops growing under varying environmental conditions over the past few decades”.  Page 10:  “the wheat-specific CO2 growth response factor of 34.9% per 300 ppm CO2 increase”. ↩ ↩

  30. 30.

    Batten, Don.  “Climate Change:  A biblical and scientific approach to Anthropogenic Global Warming.”  Creation Ministries International.  Feb 17, 2026 (edition of 2020).  CMI's main statement on modern climate, a long essay by its scientist Don Batten, a former research horticulturalist, written with colleagues.  It sets out a biblical history of climate, a case for low climate sensitivity, and a policy section on energy and the poor.

    1. 30a.

      Section Concern for the environment:  “CO2 is ‘plant food’, and planet Earth’s plants would benefit from more of it, not less.”  Section Concern for the poor:  “Unscientific, illogical environmental extremism (e.g., Extinction Rebellion) will hurt the poor the most.” ↩

    2. 30b.

      Section Introduction:  “As Christians, we affirm that we have a responsibility to look after the environment (stewardship of God’s creation). That is a given; see: Fouling the nest. We are also compelled to consider the poor and the general welfare of our neighbours.” ↩

    3. 30c.

      Section 1. The real history of the world from the Bible:  “We have a biblical basis for our confidence that the climate is designed to be broadly stable. After the Flood, God promised: “While the earth remains, seedtime and harvest, cold and heat, summer and winter, day and night, shall not cease” (Genesis 8:22).” ↩

    4. 30d.

      Section 1. The real history of the world from the Bible:  “The MWP was a very productive time both for crops and the advance of science, logic, architecture, and the arts. On the other hand, the ‘Little Ice Age’ (AD 1300–1870) was a significant period of cold. The shorter crop-growing seasons caused famines, plagues, and widespread poverty.” ↩

  31. 31.

    Romanello, Marina et al.  “The 2024 report of the Lancet Countdown on health and climate change:  facing record-breaking threats from delayed action.”  The Lancet 404(10465):1847–1896.  2024.  The yearly report of a collaboration of more than a hundred health and climate researchers, tracking health indicators of climate change.  Its heat-death figures are model estimates for people over 65, set against what ageing alone would have produced;  it does not net them against cold deaths.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 31a.

      Section Key messages:  “Heat-related mortality of people older than 65 years increased by a record-breaking 167%, compared with the 1990s, 102 percentage points higher than the 65% that would have been expected without temperature rise”.  Section Indicator 1.3.1:  “the climatic suitability for the transmission of dengue by Aedes albopictus and Aedes aegypti increased by 46·3% and 10·7%, respectively, between 1951–60 and 2014–23”.  Section Indicator 1.1.5:  “Although cold-related deaths currently exceed heat-related deaths, heat-related deaths are expected to exceed cold-related deaths in a high-warming scenario.” ↩ ↩

  32. 32.

    Kotz, Maximilian et al.  “The economic commitment of climate change.”  Nature 628:551–557.  2024.  A study of 40 years of income data from about 1,600 subnational regions that claimed a large, unavoidable income loss by mid-century.  Its authors retracted it in December 2025.

    1. 32a.

      Page 551:  “we find that the world economy is committed to an income reduction of 19% within the next 26 years independent of future emission choices”. ↩

  33. 33.

    Evangelical Climate Initiative.  Climate Change:  An Evangelical Call to Action.  2006.  A statement signed by evangelical leaders accepting the mainstream view of human-caused climate change and calling for action, on grounds of love of neighbour and stewardship, with its science drawn from the IPCC and national academies.

    1. 33a.

      Section Claim 2:  “Millions of people could die in this century because of climate change, most of them our poorest global neighbors.” ↩

    2. 33b.

      Section Claim 3:  “Climate change is the latest evidence of our failure to exercise proper stewardship, and constitutes a critical opportunity for us to do better (Gen. 1:26-28).” ↩

    3. 33c.

      Section Claim 3:  “Christians must care about climate change because we are called to love our neighbors, to do unto others as we would have them do unto us, and to protect and care for the least of these as though each was Jesus Christ himself (Mt. 22:34-40; Mt. 7:12; Mt. 25:31-46).”  Section Claim 2:  “Millions of people could die in this century because of climate change, most of them our poorest global neighbors.” ↩

  34. 34.

    Chen, Chi et al.  “China and India lead in greening of the world through land-use management.”  Nature Sustainability 2:122–129.  2019.  A NASA MODIS satellite analysis of leaf area for 2000–2017, country by country and by land type, showing how much of the greening comes from tree planting and intensive farming rather than from CO2 and climate.

    1. 34a.

      Page 122:  “China alone accounts for 25% of the global net increase in leaf area with only 6.6% of global vegetated area.”  “Our results indicate that the direct factor is a key driver of the "Greening Earth", accounting for over a third, and likely more, of the observed net increase in green leaf area.”  The "direct factor" is human land-use management. ↩

  35. 35.

    Ainsworth, Elizabeth A., and Stephen P. Long.  “What have we learned from 15 years of free-air CO2 enrichment (FACE)?  A meta-analytic review of the responses of photosynthesis, canopy properties and plant production to rising CO2.”  New Phytologist 165:351–372.  2005.  A meta-analysis of open-field CO2 enrichment experiments, in which crops and trees grow outdoors with CO2 released over them, the most realistic test of the fertilisation effect.

    1. 35a.

      Page 359:  “The average crop yield stimulation of 17% is lower than previous estimates of CO2 effects on crop yield, which ranged from 28 to 35%”.  Page 360:  “These FACE experiments elevated [CO2] by ≈ 200 ppm”. ↩ ↩

    2. 35b.

      Page 359:  “There was no change in dry matter production for the five C4 species measured at the Maricopa FACE experiment and the BioCON FACE experiment, and neither C4 crops nor C4 wild grasses showed any dry matter production stimulation with growth at elevated [CO2] (Fig. 8).”  Page 360:  “Sorghum yield was not affected by growth at elevated [CO2].” ↩ ↩

  36. 36.

    Goklany, Indur M.  “Carbon Dioxide:  The Good News.”  GWPF Report 18.  Global Warming Policy Foundation.  2015.  A report for a think tank that opposes most climate policy, with a foreword by Freeman Dyson, setting out the benefits of higher CO2 for crops and ecosystems from published experiments and IPCC figures.  It is not peer reviewed.

    1. 36a.

      Page 7:  “the AR5 estimate of a 20–25% yield increase for a doubling of carbon dioxide levels since preindustrial times translates into a 9–11% yield increase so far. Alternatively, a 34.6% increase in yield from a 300-ppm increase in carbon dioxide concentration, as calculated by the CSCDGC,† translates into a 15% yield increase due to anthropogenic emissions to date.”  The CSCDGC is Idso's Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change. ↩

  37. 37.

    Idso's totals are $3.2 trillion for 1961–2011 and over $140 billion in 2011 29, built on response factors from all kinds of enrichment experiments 29.  FACE trials gave about half the yield gain of enclosure studies 9 35.  Halving gives about $1.6 trillion and $70 billion a year.  This is a rough scale, not a re-estimate, and it subtracts nothing for warming's own effect on crops. ↩

  38. 38.

    Loladze, Irakli.  “Hidden shift of the ionome of plants exposed to elevated CO2 depletes minerals at the base of human nutrition.”  eLife 3:e02245.  2014.  A meta-analysis of 7,761 measurements of 25 minerals in 130 plant species and varieties grown at raised CO2, about 2,264 of them from open-field FACE trials.

    1. 38a.

      Section Abstract:  “This study shows that eCO2 reduces the overall mineral concentrations (-8%, 95% confidence interval: -9.1 to -6.9, p<0.00001)”.  Section Results:  “It is plausible that the lower levels of CO2 in the FACE studies contributed to a smaller overall mineral decline (-6.1%, -7.8 to -4.4) cf. (-8.7%, -10.1 to -7.4) for the non-FACE studies.” ↩

  39. 39.

    Zhu, Chunwu et al.  “Carbon dioxide (CO2) levels this century will alter the protein, micronutrients, and vitamin content of rice grains with potential health consequences for the poorest rice-dependent countries.”  Science Advances 4(5):eaaq1012.  2018.  Open-field enrichment trials in Japan and China on 18 rice varieties at 568–590 ppm, measuring protein, minerals and vitamins in the grain.

    1. 39a.

      Section Results:  “B9 (folate) were observed in response to projected CO2 levels with average declines among cultivars of −17.1, −16.6, −12.7, and −3”.  The four figures are for vitamins B1, B2, B5 and B9;  the text layer breaks before the folate figure, which is −30.3 %. ↩

  40. 40.

    Wang, Songhan et al.  “Recent global decline of CO2 fertilization effects on vegetation photosynthesis.”  Science 370(6522):1295–1300.  2020.  An analysis of satellite and ground measures of photosynthesis, 1982–2015, reporting that the response of plants to each added unit of CO2 has weakened, plausibly as nutrients and water become limiting.

    1. 40a.

      Page 1295:  “we showed that global CFE has declined across most terrestrial regions of the globe from 1982 to 2015, correlating well with changing nutrient concentrations and availability of soil water.”  CFE is the CO2 fertilisation effect. ↩

  41. 41.

    Frankenberg, Christian et al.  “Comment on "Recent global decline of CO2 fertilization effects on vegetation photosynthesis".”  Science.  2021.  A technical comment re-examining the satellite record used by Wang and colleagues and finding that small sensor biases can produce the reported decline.

    1. 41a.

      Section Abstract:  “We find that small systematic biases in Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer (AVHRR) data affect their analysis to the degree that the key finding is not robust.” ↩

  42. 42.

    Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.  Cereal yield, World (FAOSTAT), as distributed by Our World in Data.  2026.  Annual world cereal production per hectare harvested, 1961–2024, from FAO statistics.

    1. 42a.

      Section World:  Tonnes per hectare:  1961, 1.3532;  2024, 4.2058. ↩

  43. 43.

    Zhao, Chuang et al.  “Temperature increase reduces global yields of major crops in four independent estimates.”  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 114(35):9326–9331.  2017.  A synthesis of four methods (global crop models, site crop models, field-warming experiments and statistical studies) for the effect of warming alone on the four main crops, with CO2 held constant.

    1. 43a.

      Page 9326:  “Without CO2 fertilization, effective adaptation, and genetic improvement, each degree-Celsius increase in global mean temperature would, on average, reduce global yields of wheat by 6.0%, rice by 3.2%, maize by 7.4%, and soybean by 3.1%.” ↩

  44. 44.

    Schlenker, Wolfram, and Michael J. Roberts.  “Nonlinear temperature effects indicate severe damages to U.S. crop yields under climate change.”  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 106(37):15594–15598.  2009.  County yields of U.S. corn, soybeans and cotton, 1950–2005, matched to hour-by-hour temperature exposure, showing yields rise with warmth up to a threshold and then fall steeply.  The projections include no CO2 effect, as the authors note.

    1. 44a.

      Page 15594:  “We find that yields increase with temperature up to 29° C for corn, 30° C for soybeans, and 32° C for cotton but that temperatures above these thresholds are very harmful.” ↩

  45. 45.

    Jägermeyr, Jonas et al.  “Climate impacts on global agriculture emerge earlier in new generation of climate and crop models.”  Nature Food 2:873–885.  2021.  The newest round of the global crop-model comparison, twelve crop models driven by five climate models, with CO2 rising along each scenario.

    1. 45a.

      Section Abstract:  “Mean end-of-century maize productivity is shifted from +5% to −6% (SSP126) and from +1% to −24% (SSP585)—explained by warmer climate projections and improved crop model sensitivities. In contrast, wheat shows stronger gains (+9% shifted to +18%, SSP585), linked to higher CO2 concentrations and expanded high-latitude gains.”  The first figure in each pair is from the previous generation of models. ↩

  46. 46.

    U.S. Environmental Protection Agency.  Climate Change Indicators in the United States:  Length of Growing Season.  Aug 2016.  The EPA's indicator of the frost-free season in the contiguous United States since 1895, from daily station minimum temperatures.

    1. 46a.

      Page 1:  “The average length of the growing season in the contiguous 48 states has increased by nearly two weeks since the beginning of the 20th century.” ↩

  47. 47.

    King, Myron et al.  “Northward shift of the agricultural climate zone under 21st-century global climate change.”  Scientific Reports 8:7904.  2018.  Seven climate models used to map where the boreal zone becomes warm enough for small grains by 2099, with a check on water balance.  It models suitable climate, not yields.

    1. 47a.

      Page 1:  “By 2099, roughly 76% (55% to 89%) of the boreal region might reach crop feasible GDD conditions, compared to the current 32%.”  “However, most of the newly gained areas are associated with highly seasonal and monthly variations in climatic water balances”. ↩

  48. 48.

    Cold deaths divided by heat deaths:  Gasparrini 2015, 7.29 % ÷ 0.42 % = 17 62;  Zhao 2021, 4,594,098 ÷ 489,075 = 9.4 4;  Masselot 2023 as corrected, 130,228 ÷ 13,589 = 9.6 63. ↩

  49. 49.

    Cissé, Guéladio et al.  “Health, Wellbeing, and the Changing Structure of Communities.”  Climate Change 2022:  Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability.  Contribution of Working Group II to the Sixth Assessment Report of the IPCC, 1041–1170.  Cambridge University Press.  2022.  The IPCC's chapter on climate and health.  Unlike the summary for policymakers, it discusses cold-related deaths.

    1. 49a.

      Section 7.2.4.1, page 1074:  “Although there has been an observed increase in winter-season temperatures for a number of regions, to date there is variable evidence for a consequential reduction in winter mortality and susceptibility to cold over time due to milder winters; some countries demonstrate decreasing trends, while other countries show stable or even increasing trends in cold-attributable mortality fractions over time”.  Section 7.3.1.2, page 1092:  “strong regional contrasts in heat- and cold-related mortality trends are likely under a RCP8.5 scenario, with countries in the Global North experiencing minimal to moderate decreases in cold-related mortality while warm climate countries in the Global South are projected to experience increases in heat-attributable deaths by the end of the century”. ↩

  50. 50.

    Frederikse, Thomas et al.  “The causes of sea-level rise since 1900.”  Nature 584:393–397.  2020.  A sea-level budget that reconciles tide gauges, satellite altimetry, gravity measurements and ocean temperatures, component by component, since 1900.  It finds the rise has sped up since the 1970s, driven by ocean warming and Greenland's ice loss.

    1. 50a.

      Page 394:  “Our GMSL estimate (Fig. 1a) shows a trend of 1.56 ± 0.33 mm yr−1 (90% confidence interval) over 1900–2018.” ↩

  51. 51.

    Hinkel, Jochen et al.  “Coastal flood damage and adaptation costs under 21st century sea-level rise.”  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111(9):3292–3297.  2014.  A global model of coastal flooding (DIVA) run with four climate models, three ice-sheet scenarios, two elevation maps and five socioeconomic pathways, comparing a world that keeps its 1995 dikes with one that raises them.  The authors include Richard Tol, the economist the "net benefit" side relies on.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 51a.

      Page 3292:  “Without adaptation, 0.2–4.6% of global population is expected to be flooded annually in 2100 under 25–123 cm of global mean sea-level rise, with expected annual losses of 0.3–9.3% of global gross domestic product.”  “The global costs of protecting the coast with dikes are significant with annual investment and maintenance costs of US$ 12–71 billion in 2100, but much smaller than the global cost of avoided damages even without accounting for indirect costs of damage to regional production supply.” ↩ ↩

    2. 51b.

      Section Results:  “Enhanced protection reduces impacts by about 2 orders of magnitude.”  “Under enhanced protection, impacts are about 2–3 orders of magnitude lower”.  The first sentence is about people flooded, the second about flood costs. ↩

    3. 51c.

      Page 3292:  “Flood damages by the end of this century are much more sensitive to the applied protection strategy than to variations in climate and socioeconomic scenarios as well as in physical data sources (topography and climate model).” ↩

    4. 51d.

      Page 3292:  “These should also take into account that protecting large parts of the developed coast increases the risk of catastrophic consequences in the case of defense failure.” ↩

  52. 52.

    Deltacommissie.  Working together with water:  A living land builds for its future.  Findings of the Deltacommissie 2008, summary and conclusions.  Government of the Netherlands.  2008.  The report of the Dutch Delta Committee, chaired by Cees Veerman, which set the country's flood-defence plan to 2100 and beyond.  It deliberately planned for the upper end of projected sea-level rise.

    1. 52a.

      Page 8:  “The Delta Committee concludes that a regional sea level rise of 0.65 to 1.3 m by 2100, and of 2 to 4 m by 2200 should be taken into account. This includes the effect of land subsidence. These values represent plausible upper limits based on the latest scientific insights.” ↩ ↩

    2. 52b.

      Page 9:  “Implementation of the Delta Programme until 2050 involves a cost of 1.2 to 1.6 billion euros per annum, and 0.9 to 1.5 billion euros per annum in the period 2050–2100.” ↩

  53. 53.

    The Delta Committee's €1.2–1.6 billion a year divided by Dutch GDP in current euros 61:  €651.3 billion in 2008 gives 0.18–0.25 %;  €1,121.5 billion in 2024 gives 0.11–0.14 %. ↩

  54. 54.

    Gething, Peter W. et al.  “Climate change and the global malaria recession.”  Nature 465:342–345.  2010.  A comparison of a historical map of malaria endemicity around 1900 with a modern map for 2007, set against the changes that warming scenarios project.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 54a.

      Section Abstract:  “First, widespread claims that rising mean temperatures have already led to increases in worldwide malaria morbidity and mortality are largely at odds with observed decreasing global trends in both its endemicity and geographic extent. Second, the proposed future effects of rising temperatures on endemicity are at least one order of magnitude smaller than changes observed since c. 1900 and up to two orders of magnitude smaller than those that can be achieved by the effective scale-up of key control measures.”  Section Results:  “endemic/stable malaria is likely to have covered 58% of the world's land surface around 1900 (see Supplementary Table 1 ) but only 30% by 2007”. ↩

  55. 55.

    IPCC.  “Summary for Policymakers.”  Climate Change 2007:  Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability.  Contribution of Working Group II to the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC.  Cambridge University Press.  2007.  The summary of the IPCC's 2007 impacts assessment, whose Figure SPM.2 lists impacts by level of warming.

    1. 55a.

      Figure SPM.2, page 16:  “Hundreds of millions of people exposed to increased water stress”. ↩

  56. 56.

    Kundzewicz, Zbigniew W. et al.  “Freshwater resources and their management.”  Climate Change 2007:  Impacts, Adaptation and Vulnerability.  Contribution of Working Group II to the Fourth Assessment Report of the IPCC.  Cambridge University Press.  2007.  The IPCC's 2007 chapter on fresh water, whose lead authors included Nigel Arnell, author of the water-stress study Ridley cites.

    1. 56a.

      Page 194:  “Water stress is modelled to decrease by the 2050s on 20 to 29%”.  “of the global land area”.  “and to increase on 62 to 76% of”.  “the global land area”.  “However, using the per capita”.  “water availability indicator, climate change would appear to”.  “reduce global water stress. This is because increases in runoff are”.  “heavily concentrated in the most populous parts of the world”.  The chapter is printed in two columns, and these pieces are one sentence each in the original. ↩

  57. 57.

    Urban, Mark C.  “Accelerating extinction risk from climate change.”  Science 348(6234):571–573.  2015.  A meta-analysis of 131 published predictions of species' extinction risk under climate change, fitted against the warming each study assumed.

    1. 57a.

      Section Results:  “Global extinction risks increase from 2.8% at present to 5.2% at the international”.  “policy target of a 2°C post-industrial rise”.  “If the Earth warms to 3°C, the extinction risk rises to 8.5%.”  Wording of the author's accepted manuscript. ↩

  58. 58.

    Andela, Niels et al.  “A human-driven decline in global burned area.”  Science 356(6345):1356–1362.  2017.  A NASA-led analysis of satellite records of fire for 1998–2015, separating the effects of rainfall, land use and population on the area burned.

    1. 58a.

      Section Abstract:  “We found that global burned area declined by 24.3 ± 8.8% over the past 18 years.”  “Agricultural expansion and intensification were primary drivers of declining fire activity.” ↩

  59. 59.

    Jones, Matthew W. et al.  “Global and regional trends and drivers of fire under climate change.”  Reviews of Geophysics 60:e2020RG000726.  2022.  A review of satellite fire records, fire-weather reanalyses and attribution studies, region by region, by an international team of fire scientists.

    1. 59a.

      Section Abstract:  “BA has reduced by 27% globally in the past two decades, due in large part to a decline in BA in African savannahs”.  “increases in BA of ∼50% or higher have been seen in some extratropical forest ecoregions”.  Section Results:  “We observed that annual FWSL increased by 14 days year −1 during 1979–2019 (+27%)”.  BA is burned area;  FWSL is fire-weather season length. ↩

  60. 60.

    Cornwall Alliance for the Stewardship of Creation.  An Evangelical Declaration on Global Warming.  2009.  A short statement of belief and denial on global warming, signed by evangelical leaders and a few scientists, including the climatologists Roy Spencer and David Legates.  It cites no data.

    1. 60a.

      Section What we believe:  “are robust, resilient, self-regulating, and self-correcting, admirably suited for human flourishing, and displaying His glory.”  The subject is "Earth and its ecosystems", described as created by God and sustained by His providence. ↩

  61. 61.

    World Bank.  “GDP (current LCU), Netherlands (NY.GDP.MKTP.CN).”  World Development Indicators.  2026.  National accounts data in euros.  Dutch GDP was €651.3 billion in 2008 and €1,121.5 billion in 2024. ↩

  62. 62.

    Gasparrini, Antonio et al.  “Mortality risk attributable to high and low ambient temperature:  a multicountry observational study.”  The Lancet 386(9991):369–375.  2015.  A time-series study of 74 million deaths in 384 places in 13 countries, 1985–2012, measuring how daily death rates rise on days colder or hotter than each place's optimum.  It established that cold, mostly moderate cold, accounts for far more temperature deaths than heat.  Mirror:  PMC

    1. 62a.

      Page 369:  “More temperature-attributable deaths were caused by cold (7·29%, 7·02–7·49) than by heat (0·42%, 0·39–0·44). Extreme cold and hot temperatures were responsible for 0·86% (0·84–0·87) of total mortality.”  The Lancet prints decimal points as raised dots. ↩

  63. 63.

    Masselot, Pierre et al.  “Excess mortality attributed to heat and cold:  a health impact assessment study in 854 cities in Europe.”  The Lancet Planetary Health 7(4):e271–e281.  2023.  A study of adults in 854 European urban areas, 2000–2019, estimating yearly deaths from cold and heat.  A coding error in the baseline death rates was corrected in July 2024, which cut both totals by about a third and left their ratio almost unchanged;  the numbers here are the corrected ones.

    1. 63a.

      Page e271:  “Across the 854 urban areas in Europe, we estimated an annual excess of 130 228 (empirical 95% CI 115 893–143 929) deaths attributed to cold and 13 589 (11 530–15 475)) attributed to heat.” ↩